8th November 2016, London – India must put in place strong safeguards to ensure effective anti-corruption mechanisms are built into any coming defence deals between the UK and India, according to Transparency International Defence and Security (TI-DSP).
During Prime Minister Theresa May’s visit to India it was announced that “the UK and India are committed to further strengthening their strategic partnership in defence.” India is the largest importer of arms in the world but scored a ‘D’ in TI-DSP’s 2015 Defence Corruption Index, meaning vast sums of vital public funding is at a high risk of corruption.
India must ensure that the new blacklisting policy remains a robust sanction while allowing India to procure the technology that meets its security needs. Blacklisting is a vital tool sending a strong message to Indian and international suppliers that corruption will not be tolerated, and protects India’s public funds from misuse. The new policy should replace mandatory minimum penalties with a debarment system that weighs mitigating factors, and allows for shorter sentences in the event of strong remediation actions taken by the company.
Katherine Dixon, Director Transparency International Defence and Security, said:
“Recent allegations that a major British defence company paid bribes to win contracts only further underlines the risks that weak procurement systems are at serious risk of being exploited by unscrupulous suppliers or their agents.”
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Joint national-international committee sets sights on increasing transparency and accountability in country’s most vital sector
25 October 2016, Kyiv – The Independent Defence Anti-Corruption Committee (Nezalezhny Antikorrupciynii Komitet z pytan oborony, or “NAKO”) held its inaugural meeting in Kyiv last week, setting forth its intention to fight corruption in the Ukrainian defence sector. The Committee comprises six members, three national – Sevgil Musaeva, Volodymyr Ogryzko, Oleh Rybachuk (co-chair) – and three international experts – Lt Gen Tim Evans, Drago Kos (co-chair), and James Wasserstrom.
“Corruption in the Ukrainian defence sector is costing lives,” said Oleh Rybachuk. “Our soldiers and citizens deserve an MOD that is efficient, accountable, and serves their interests – our aim is to help our MOD achieve those aims.”
The Committee will develop a strategy 2017-2018. Its mandate, agreed on Thursday 20th of October, includes analysing and evaluating anti-corruption efforts in the defence sector, the development of recommendations, reporting to Ukrainian authorities and the public, promoting transparency, and strengthening accountability structures. It will also, later this year, enable citizens and soldiers to anonymously report corruption concerns to the group.
As a first step, the NAKO will produce a report on lessons learned from other monitoring groups, including the Monitoring & Evaluation Committee in Afghanistan. It will also analyse corruption risks and mechanisms for monitoring security assistance and military aid. Drawing on the findings from the 2015 Government Defence Anti-Corruption Index, produced by TI Defence & Security, it will submit recommendations for inclusion in the Annual National Programme 2017.
“In Afghanistan and Iraq, I saw first-hand the impact that corruption can have on the success of military operations. Without integrity, an Army can’t function effectively – and our aim, in the long-term, is to help the Ukrainian defence forces protect its people and its country,” said Lt Gen Timothy Evans, former commander of the NATO Allied Rapid Reaction Corps.
The idea for a dedicated monitoring body is based on learning from previous efforts in Afghanistan, Guatemala and Palestine. The committee was selected by a joint board of TI Ukraine and TI Defence & Security, following a public call for nominations earlier this year.
The NAKO is a project of TI Defence & Security, based in London, and TI Ukraine, and is supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands.
Notes to editors
Biographies of NAKO members:
Lieutenant General Timothy Evans CB CBE DSO: A 3 star General in the British Army and former Commander of the NATO Allied Rapid Reaction Corps.
Drago Kos (co-chair): Former Anti-Corruption Commissioner in Slovenia, Former Chair of GRECO, and current Chair of the OECD Working Group on Bribery. “I’ve been coming to Ukraine for 15 years and for the first time I feel the country is ready for real change – and it’s time to include the defence sector too.”
Sevgil Musaeva: Editor in Chief of Ukrainska Pravda and author of investigative reports for Reuters, Forbes Ukraine, and the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project. “I understood the problems of a weak defence sector when Crimea, my region, was annexed. So for me, it’s personal—I want to make the our armed forces more transparent and effective.”
Oleh Rybachuk (co-chair): Chairman of Centre UA, co-initiator of Chesno Campaign, and former Vice Prime Minister for European Integration and Chief of Staff to the president.
Volodymyr Ogryzko: Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, First Deputy Secretary Defence and Security Council of Ukraine. “We badly need international support to fight corruption in Ukraine.”
James Wasserstrom: Former Head of Oversight of Public Utilities at the UN Mission in Kosovo, Senior Advisor on Anti-Corruption at the US Embassy Kabul, and strategy advisor and lead anti-corruption at the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction. “Countries in conflict are always immense opportunities for nefarious activities, especially corruption, profiteering, and egregious mismanagement. I look forward to this body tackling all of the above.”
image: flickr.com/Sasha Maksymenko cropped by TI-DSP
This article was first publidhed by Defence One here
A recent anti-corruption summit produced hundreds of commitments, exactly eight of which concerned defense.
Slowly but surely, the world is realizing that corruption defies borders and that governments must work together to ensure the integrity of their institutions. (See: the Inter-American Anti-Corruption Convention, signed in 1996; the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention, 1997; and the UN Convention against Corruption, 2003.) But there is one area that remains all but untouched by these reforms: defense.
Speaking at the World Economic Forum in January, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry called corruption a threat to “global growth, global stability, and indeed the global future” and asked governments to fight it as a “first-order, national-security priority.” Five months later, countries at the London Anti-Corruption Summit released a “Global Declaration against Corruption,” in which they pledged to “put fighting corruption at the heart of our international institutions” and advance inter-state cooperation to stop corruption. By Transparency International’s count, 42 individual countries made 648 commitments across 20 issue areas, nearly one-third of which we deem both new and ambitious.
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Author: Hilary Hurd – Transparency International Defence & Security Programme
Photo: © Crown Copyright.
Opaque, unaccountable defense spending threatens to derail the global development agenda. If the United Nations and its member states are serious about implementing the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030, they’re going to have to abandon their exceptional treatment of the defense sector and start asking what countries really spend on their militaries.
Transparency International Defence Security
In response to President Zuma’s release yesterday of the Seriti Commission’s report, Corruption Watch notes that, given the thoroughly flawed and irregular proceedings of the commission over the last four years, this outcome is hardly surprising. The report’s eventual failure to address long-standing allegations of corruption in the arms deal prevents closure of this sordid chapter in the governance of large scale public procurement.
Corruption Watch ZA
All states in the Middle East and North Africa are at high risk of corruption posing a continuing threat to security and stability in the region according to a new Government Defence Index from Transparency International.
Sixteen of the seventeen states assessed in the index receive either E or F grades, representing either a “very high” or “critical” risk of defence corruption. Only Tunisia performs better, although is still classed as “high risk”.