This indicator is not assigned a score in the GDI.
Public opinion has mixed confidence in defence and security institutions to tackle the problem of bribery and corruption. According to the results of the latest Afrobarometer (2018) survey on the defence and security forces, one-third (33%) of citizens have paid bribes or offered a gift or favor to a police officer in order to obtain this assistance. And 55% say they have paid bribes in order to avoid encountering difficulties [1]. However, part of the public opinion also believes that the government of President Patrice Talon is making an effort to fight corruption. Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index confirms this observation because it shows a steady evolution since he came to power, from a score of 36/100 in 2016 to 43/100 in 2023 [2]. This perception, although global, also applies to defence and security institutions. Especially since 2016, the defence and security authorities have taken several initiatives to fight corruption in their ranks [3]. These are awareness-raising activities conducted in particular by the Ministry of Defence’s Ministerial Committee for Risk Management (CMMR) [4]. People interviewed directly in the public confirmed the mixed confidence. Some of them don’t trust the defence and security institutions’ actions to tackle the issue of bribery and corruption in their establishment [5]. However, another people think that they are the best institutions to do this [6].

This indicator is not assigned a score in the GDI.
Burundians generally complain about corruption, which has become a scourge in the country. However, in the defence institutions, it is seen as a ‘taboo’ area where the internal dynamics must not be made public. The public is generally not interested in corruption within the army. The few views on the subject come from the elite. The defence sector has always been regarded as an area of secrecy, where civilians have no right to interfere. This is why, according to the various series of reports provided by aAfrobarometer, the majority of Burundians appreciate the National Defence Force. This is because they are not particularly interested in the corrupt practices taking place within it. [1][2][3]

This indicator is not scored in the GDI.

According to a national survey conducted between 2015 and 2021 by CONAC/NIS, the Ministry of Defence is considered the fifth most corrupt public administration.[1] Generally, there is very little public involvement in denouncing acts of corruption and defence, primarily due to a lack of understanding of the internal workings of the defence service. Secondly because of fear of fear of reprisals, and thirdly because people typically do not believe their complaints will lead to any positive outcome or change.[2]. Although since April 2018, the Anti-Corruption Commission (CONAC) has had a hotline whereby whistleblowers can report corruption, it remains largely unknown to the public. Dialling 1517 is free and dedicated to reporting acts of corruption and related offences.[3] In the army, the Gendarmerie Nationale, through its operational command post, established a toll-free number in October 2018 for citizens to report acts of corruption, harassment, and abuse of power.[4] In fact, calling 1501 is also free of charge and is designed to encourage the Cameroonian public to engage with the national gendarmerie. While this initiative aims to inform the public about their rights and ensure their safety, its utilisation remains low. Although the initiative is commendable, the results are disappointing.[5] In summary, there is a certain sense of fear and hesistation among the public when it comes to reporting corruption involving the military. This is also because, in most cases, there is no follow-up or effective response when citizens phone these numbers. There is also a widespread mistrust towards the security forces. A leader of an NGO mentioned that people are reluctant to report bribery when they see it on the road because they are accustomed to the gendarmerie being unresponsive when caled aboun banditry. He explained that “when robbers are getting in your house and you call the gendarmerie, they will usually ask you if those robbers have guns, and if the answer is yes, they may not come. Or they may claim thay lack fuel for their vehicle and expect you to give them money”.[5]

This indicator is not assigned a score in the GDI.
Since the early 2020s, the authorities have committed to a zero-tolerance policy towards all types of corruption, whether involving drug trafficking, money laundering or the fight against the illegal export of products such as cocoa and cashew nuts. However, perceptions remain mixed. On the one hand, the population recognises the efforts made by the authorities, but these remain insufficient, particularly in rural areas. [1] [2] A survey conducted by the Centre for Public Policy Research and Analysis in 2022 revealed that 65% of Ivorians consider corruption within the armed forces to be a major problem [3] .

The police and the military have traditionally been on opposite sides of the spectrum when it comes to public trust. Results from Round 9 of the Afrobarometer Survey in Ghana, for instance, reveal that 65% say “most” or “all” police officials are corrupt, while 67% say they trust the Ghana Armed Forces “somewhat” or “a lot”. This makes the Ghana Armed Forces the most trusted public institution in Ghana. (1) (2)

The public perceives a clear commitment from the defence establishment to combat bribery and corruption, viewing their efforts as sincere and effective. Kenyan Defene Force officers found guilty of malpractice face court-martial in accordance with KDF Law and the Penal Code [1]. Unlike the Police Service, the Kenyan Defence Forces maintain limited civilian interaction, contributing to a more positive public perception. In contrast, the police struggle with significant trust issues, with Afrobarometer reporting that 68% of Kenyans believe most or all officers are corrupt, the worst rating among 12 surveyed institutions. This stark difference underscores the importance of transparency, accountability, and positive community engagement in building public trust. While the military benefits from its relatively high public rating, the police must improve their image while fulfilling their crucial role in daily law enforcement [2].

There are a few reports on public trust in the Armed Forces of Liberia and the security sector in general. The social cohesion and reconciliation survey measuring public trust found that Police are mistrusted to some degree by over 50% of the populace.[1] Recent findings by the Afrobarometer survey shows higher levels of trust in religious leaders, the Armed Forces of Liberia, and traditional leaders than in government officials, the courts, the police, and the National Elections Commission (NEC).[4] Consistent with these findings, other reports show high trust in the Armed Forces of Liberia.[2][3] There are, however, recent studies investigating corruption and perceptions of corruption in the military or defence sector.[5]

This indicator is not assigned a score in the GDI.
The public view is that there is a clear commitment from the defence establishment that bribery and corruption are not acceptable and must be prosecuted, and that their efforts to tackle the problem are sincere and effective. In each communication on cases of corruption within the Defense forces, the public authorities always insist on the importance of the fight against corruption[1]. This is proof that the fight is far from won : Public opinion believes that ome security force elements are among the most corrupt in Madagascar and in, particularly the gendarmes who provide security outside the city, are among the most corrupt in Madagascar. Nearly four out of ten citizens (42%) believe that most or even “all” police officers are corrupt [2], according to the results of the survey conducted by Afrobarometer. Thus, only half of Malagasy people “partially” (32%) or “a lot” (18%) trust the gendarmerie. Efforts have undoubtedly been undertaken by the defense forces in Madagascar to fight against corruption, but their image in this area is largely negative [2].
Indeed, the population seems to distinguish between official commitments and the concrete actions of government officials. They believe that certain corruption-related habits are difficult to change in the short and medium term.

This indicator is not assigned a score in the GDI.
From the 2024 edition of the Malimeter, an annual opinion poll conducted by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung foundation, it appears that Malians (99% of those surveyed) are generally satisfied with the work of the defence and security forces. However, the question of whether they trust the institutions responsible for defence and security to combat bribery and corruption within their establishments was not asked. When asked about the level of corruption in general, nearly 7 out of 10 Malians believe that corruption remains high. They believe the main sectors affected by corruption are the police (46%), justice (39%), health (34%), town halls (34%), and customs (23%). In addition, one in ten Malians believes that corruption exists in private procurement (19%).[1][2] People trust the army and distinguish between the military in power and the army (those on the ground or in operations).

The level of trust in the Armed Forces, as one of the most honest and trustworthy institutions in Mozambique, has decreased given the lack of accountability regarding the military’s efforts to eliminate the terrorist insurgency in Cabo Delgado. The 1st National Study on Governance and Corruption in the Public Service in Mozambique ranked the Armed Forces 13th among institutions that have acted against corruption, with half the score of the institution ranked 1st. The second study maintained this ranking [1, 2].
With the Trial of the “Dívidas Ocultas” Case and the emergence of the terrorist insurgency in Cabo Delgado in 2017, the Defence Budget increased, but accountability is weak, while distrust towards the Defence and Security Forces has increased [3]. Concerning the war against terrorist insurgency in Cabo Delgado, the majority of Mozambicans consider that the government has been effective in resolving the conflict, a perception that does not necessarily translate into trust in the Defence and Security Forces themselves [4].

This indicator is not assigned a score in the GDI.
The 2020 corruption scandal within Niger’s Ministry of Defense significantly damaged public trust in the country’s defense and security institutions by revealing deep-rooted corruption. Despite the gravity of the allegations, no individuals implicated in bribery or corruption were prosecuted [1]. This lack of accountability likely eroded confidence in these institutions, although the full extent of public disillusionment is difficult to measure. Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index reflects this skepticism, ranking Niger at 32/100, where 0 signifies extreme corruption and 100 represents minimal corruption [2]. The military coup on July 26, 2023, and subsequent policy changes further deepened this distrust. One pivotal decision excluded defense contracts from public procurement regulations, effectively removing competitive bidding requirements and allowing for arbitrary contract awards. Ordinance 2024-05, enacted on February 23, 2024, grants authorities broad discretionary powers to award public contracts without competitive bidding or oversight. It also permits exemptions from taxes, duties, and fees for certain well-connected economic operators and removes specific public expenditures from scrutiny by oversight bodies and citizens. This ordinance was widely debated in Nigerien media and likely contributed to perceptions of the defense and security sectors as corrupt [3][4]. Given the ongoing lack of accountability for corruption, the exclusion of defense contracts from competitive bidding, and the likely perception of increased arbitrariness, there is no evidence of a clear or sincere commitment from the defense establishment to address bribery and corruption effectively.

Nigeria has witnessed unprecedented deterioration of internal security in the last two decades. There is a widely held view that corruption within the defence and security sector contributes significantly to Nigeria’s worsening insecurity [1,2]. In September 2022, for instance, the Chairman of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), Prof Bolaji Owasanoye, disclosed that “some former military and security personnel are being investigated by ICPC and our sister agency for embezzlement of funds allocated to security. For example, a former head of one of the arms of the military in the twilight of his tenure deposited the sum of N4 billion from the military budget into the accounts of two companies where he is the beneficial owner and sole signatory” [3]. The Nigerian public does not trust the institutions of defence and security to seriously tackle the issue of corruption in their establishments, since their practice in the past is to dismiss such allegations as spurious and baseless [4]. The level of distrust is particularly worse for the Police. A 2022 Survey by Afrobarometer found that “a majority of [Nigerian] citizens who interacted with the police during the past year say they had to pay a bribe to obtain police assistance or avoid problems with the police. Most see the police as corrupt, untrustworthy, and lacking in professionalism” [5].

This indicator is not assigned a score in the GDI.
More than three-quarters (77%) of Senegalese rate the government’s performance in the fight against corruption within the public administration, including the defence and security forces, as ‘rather poor’ or ‘very poor’. Although the existence of OFNAC is appreciated by the Senegalese, their assessments of the government’s efforts to fight corruption within the public administration are rather negative. Between 2014 and 2017, the proportion of people who consider the government’s performance in the fight against corruption to be ‘rather bad’ or ‘very bad’ more than doubled, rising from 32% in 2014 to 77% in 2021. [1] According to Afrobarometre, the rise in corruption in Senegal is perceived more among the police and gendarmes: Almost half (47%) of citizens believe that ‘most of them’ or ‘all of them’ are corrupt – an increase of 18 percentage points since 2017. [2] The Senegalese public believes that the State and its institutions are committed to reducing corruption, and that acts of corruption by the defence and security forces should be prosecuted,.andThey further believe that the efforts made by the new authorities to tackle the problem are sincere but lacking in effectiveness. [3]

Coming out of the era of state capture, public trust in government institutions to address corruption is generally low, despite efforts at institutional and legislative reform. In Afrobarometer’s latest survey round, 72% of South African respondents thought that corruption had “increased a lot” in the past year. [1] Specific to defence institutions, only 52% of respondents expressed “somewhat” or “a lot” of trust in the army. The arrest of former Minister of Defence and Military Veterans, Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, on corruption allegations in a context of several corruption scandals within the department over a number of years, including the high-profile Arms Deal, similarly undermines public trust in the commitment to anti-corruption. [2]

A more effective way to gauge public trust in institutions dealing with corruption in South Sudan is by examining the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) published by Transparency International. Since gaining independence in 2011, South Sudan has consistently ranked among the lowest-performing countries in the index, reflecting a deep-seated perception of corruption within its institutions. In 2023, the country received a score of 13 out of 100 [1], indicating severe corruption and a lack of progress from the previous year, as the score remained unchanged. This persistently low CPI score suggests that public trust in institutions to effectively combat corruption is also extremely low, as citizens likely perceive these institutions as either complicit in or incapable of addressing corrupt practices. An interview with South Sudanese civilians also revealed that they perceived corruption as a serious and deeply embedded problem within the public sector. [2] [3] [4].
Although there have not been surveys conducted to examine the public perception on the military’s ability to conduct corruption, a recent online survey reveal that most South Sudanese perceive corruption as deeply entrenched across government institutions, with 70.7% linking the frequent dismissal of public officials to corrupt practices rather than accountability. This widespread distrust extends to the military, where citizens express little confidence in its ability or willingness to address bribery and internal misconduct. [5]

The study by the Justice Law and Order Sector (JLOS) for 2022-2023 indicates that there is an improvement in public trust in security due to increased collaboration of security with other actors.[1] But for the police, the situation continues to be bad, with the majority (77 per cent) of respondents indicating that police officials are corrupt, according to the Afrobarometer Round 8 report.[1] Also, according to a 2020 survey by the Afrobarometer, only 22% of Ugandans trust the military, while 71% believe that corruption is widespread in the military[2].
However, the recent corruption in the Parliament has eroded the trust of the public in all government institutions to tackle corruption in Uganda, including the established institutions themselves. For example, according to the Inspector General of the Government, Uganda’s domestic revenue for FY 2022/2023 was Shs25.55 trillion, but Shs10 trillion was siphoned. Shs10 trillion is lost to corruption in that financial year is equivalent to 40 percent of all the money collected in taxes. Uganda borrowed Shs27.2 trillion to raise our national budget to Shs52.7 trillion when all we needed to borrow was Shs17 trillion instead of Shs27 trillion [1]. If we continue this trend and do nothing about it, corruption will get worse.[3]
Overall, the public does not trust the institutions of defence and security to tackle the issue of bribery and corruption in their establishment. There is a widespread perception that these institutions are corrupt and that corruption is entrenched in the defence and security sector. The lack of trust is attributed to various factors, including limited transparency and accountability. The UPDF is also accused of historical instances of corruption and human rights abuses by security personnel [2].

The public do not trust the defence and security to deal with corruption issues within their sector because the majority does not feel that they can criticise the military [1] [2]. It was reported that nearly three quarters (73%) of respondents feel “not very free” or “not at all free” to voice criticism of the army; fewer than one in four say they feel “somewhat free” (14%) or “completely free” (9%) to express criticism against the army [2]. The public views the defence and security as supporters of the ruling elite, and in return the defence and security is allowed to plunder the national resources without recourse [2].