In Benin, the defence budget as well as all other budgets are made public, it is an approach aimed at improving public management, strengthening democracy and promoting confidence and accountability in the administration of public funds [1]. The publication of budgets also facilitates the work of oversight bodies and auditors, who can review how public funds are used and ensure that expenditure is in line with forecasts [2]. The defence budget contains disaggregated information on expenditure, but information on the acquisition and maintenance of military equipment is not available in a disaggregated manner. [3]. However, details or explanantion on the defence budget are limited which doesn’t allow every citizens to follow the trends in defence expenditure [4].

Monthly bulletins and quarterly reports on the implementation of the budget – including the defence budget – are produced during the year and made available to Parliament and the citizens [1]. They can be consulted on the website of the Budget Directorate-General [2]. Periodic sectoral reviews are also organized and there is clear and robust oversight of the full budget by other suitable authorities : parliament, and the court of accountant [3].

Public information on the budget is available on the website of the Budget Directorate-General [1]. Citizens are invited to consult the said information online [2]. If citizens request information that is public, they receive it, even if there may be some delay. However, certain information classified as secret for security reasons is not disclosed [2].

The Defence budget is published in the general budget law but in an aggregated way. Since it is presented to the parliament in a limited and superficial form, it remains so upon publication. [1][2][3]. General headings are published such as the acquisition of military equipment without providing details [1].Those who need this kind of information in detail such as civil society organisations, the media, researchers cannot therefore have sufficient information from this publication [2]. There is also no explanation provided on the budget document.

No details are provided in the approved budget. As such, it is accessible to everyone, like the entire budget law of which it is a component. It is published in the Bulletin Officiel du Burundi (BOB). In concrete terms, army spending on food and clothing can be itemized. However, expenditure on the acquisition of weapons and the dispatch of soldiers on peacekeeping missions is never detailed. [1] [2][3]

Any formal request for details on the Defence budget is met with a categorical refusal by the Defence sector authorities. To obtain some information, one is obliged to go through informal channels. [1] [2]

Most areas of the approved defence budget are published and citizens, media, and civil society can access them, despite the presence of upstream control by the political authorities and especially by parliamentarians. The budget is published, but the details are not made public. Generally, the defence budget is voted on by the National Assembly and published in the national gazette. This is due to embezzelment, lack of competence and expertise, pressure from public authorities, socio-political insecurity, and manipulation by some of these actors.[1] All we have is general information on the portion of the defence budget published, which represents the largest share of the overall budget. For example, Cameroon plans to spend 348.9 billion FCFA ($603 million) on defence and security in 2022. This is equivalent to 10.80% of the total budget.[2] There is no public information on how the approved budget will be concretely used, nor is there a general explanation on it.

The national defence policy, which is part of the National Development Strategy (SDN 30), is central to the desire to strengthen the rule of law and citizen participation. Infact, ensuring the peace and security of people and property is key condition for achieving Vision 2035, which aims to make Cameroon an emerging country that is democratic and united in its diversity.[1] While the objective of national defence is to protect people and their property, not everyone understands the budget. Vague details are provided about the budget increase.[2] Aside from general defence budget information, there are no details on expenditure for purchasing munitions or enhancing military resources in the Finance law. However, the medium-term expenditure plan provides detailed information on the expenditure programme, including the approved budget for 2022 and 2023.

There is no Freedom of Information law or similar legislative framework that clearly outlines the procedures for citizens to request information on the defence sector. Most details regarding expenditure, and equipment purchases are classified as defence secrets and can only be closed with the authorisation of the President of the Republic. The defence budget therefore remains within the state’s sovereign domain, making it difficult for citizens, the media, and civil society to access information on this subject. Information is likely to be unduly withheld or redacted on grounds of national security.[1] It is therefore difficult to obtain detailed information about the Cameroonian budget. The Ministry’s budgetary policies are kept strictly confidential, and the public has no clear right to access information about them.[2]

The defence budget is included in the Finance Act, where the various expenditure items are detailed over ten pages per programme. The budget is published immediately after its adoption by Parliament [1]. There is a document presenting the Finance Act with some brief explanations and little detail on defence expenditure [2].

Most items in the defence budget are published in detail and debates in both chambers are open to the public. Sensitive issues such as intelligence and public procurement are included and budgeted for, albeit not in detail [1] [2]. However, there is little evidence of military expenditure being audited by the Court of Auditors or the Security and Defence Committee, even though these institutions have a mandate to do so on paper. [3] [4]

In Côte d’Ivoire, Article 9 of Law No. 2013-867 of 23 December 2013 on access to public information provides for significant exceptions for information relating to defence and national security. [1] Parliament and the interested public have access to the debate on the budget presented by the Minister of Defence, as these parliamentary debates are open to the public, even if the defence budget is not debated in depth. There is little evidence that members of the public, journalists or even civil society organisations request additional information on the defence budget, particularly outside the debates in the National Assembly. [2] [3]

The budget is presented both in aggregated and disaggregated format. The broad national budget statement presents the disaggregated form, which largely lacks key explanatory components. However, the Ministry of Finance publishes a complimentary budget document after the budget presentation. An example is the 2024 Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) of the MOD, which provides a comprehensive and well-planned-out budget statement; it is readily available on the website of the Ministry of Finance. The document contains the broad-based goals of the ministry, policy outcomes, and indicators while outlining the core achievements of the previous fiscal year, which is 2023. (1)

While some parts of the MOD’s budget are kept secret out of security concerns, most of the budget is made public. It is the duty of the PSCDI to examine the general budget and suggest that the plenary approve it or not. The Ministry of Finance posts the approved budget on its website and makes it accessible to all interested parties. Although not all parts of the budget are accessible to the public, the PSCDI reports make it abundantly evident that most of them are. Through comparisons with approved budgets for the previous fiscal year (2023) and highlighting the MOD’s underfunding, the PSCDI reports’ recommendations call for a thorough and rigorous monitoring by the committee. Additionally, GH¢102,335 in expenditure violations by the MOD are detailed in the Auditor General’s Report for 2022, demonstrating a certain degree of budgetary supervision by appropriate organisations. (2)

The Right to Information Act 2019 (Act 989) allows for information held by public institutions to be accessed; nevertheless, Section 9(2) of Act 989(1) allows the Ghana Armed Forces and the Security and Intelligence Agencies to exempt information created by or in their custody from Article 135 of the 1992 Constitution. (2) Matters relating to the President and Vice President Security may also be exempted per the RTI (3). Despite the Act’s existence, public institutions sometimes delay and withhold information. An instance is a report by Joy News where a communications lecturer from the University of Ghana observes the reluctant nature of public institutions to give out information when requested by citizens, and this extends to CSOs in the country. (3)(4) In the absence of a public budget from the MOD and Ministry of Finance, a formal request may be denied for security reasons.

Treasury publishes the Programme Based Budget publicly. The Programme Based Budget provides a summary of expenditure by vote and category, as well as by vote and programme. It includes codes for each expenditure and explanations for these codes. For example, Defence is categorised as vote 1041 with the objective of defending and protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic, supporting internal security operations, and promoting regional and international peace and security. Civil Aid is defined as support for humanitarian activities, etc. [1]. Once budgets are approved, the Defence Committee engages a few people within MoD [2].
The Departmental Committee scrutinised the MoD’s proposed allocation of KES 168.09 billion for FY 2024/25. Regarding the Kshs.6.5 billion supplementary allocations. Members directed the PS, Hon. Mariru, to provide a breakdown of how the funds will be utilized [3].
These documents are available on the Treasury and Parliament websites and are structured with coding and descriptive narratives that explain allocations and outcomes [1]. While technical in nature, they include sufficient detail for an informed reader or analyst to understand key expenditure categories and shifts.

According to Open Budget Surveys on Kenya which measures online available, timeliness and comprehensiveness, Kenya’ ranks at 55/100 in transparency. A transparency score of above 61 indicates a country is likely publishing enough material to support informed public debate on the budget. Kenya’s scores have gradually improved from 49 in 2012 to 55 in 2023. Kenya ranks low on publications of mid-year reviews [1].
Defence budgetary allocations lack depth of analysis, making it difficult for various stakeholders to examine and critique the government’s financial plans and expenditures [1]. Analysis of defence and security budgets is still in its early stages. While other sectors like devolution, education, and healthcare receive significant scrutiny and analysis, defence and security budgets do not get the same level of attention and examination [2]. This lack of focus might be due to the sensitive nature of these areas or limited access to comprehensive data. Consequently, there is a growing need to foster expertise and encourage more detailed analysis in defence and security to ensure transparency and accountability [3].
The Parliamentary Budget Office (PBO) has not conducted a specific report or analysis of the defence budget due to its non-detailed nature. The PBO is mandated under Section 10 of the Public Finance Management Act to:
• Provide professional services in budget, finance, and economic information to parliamentary committees.
• Prepare reports on budgetary projections and economic forecasts, making proposals to parliamentary committees responsible for budgetary matters.
• Analyse specific issues, including financial risks posed by government policies and activities, to guide Parliament.
• Consider budget proposals and economic trends, making recommendations to the relevant parliamentary committee regarding these proposals and trends among the PBO’s core functions [3].

Article 35 of the Constitution guarantees on the right to access information. However, there are limits when it comes to classified information. Sessional paper number 3 of 2023 provides grounds on limits to access to information as well as Article 24 of the constitution, section 6 of the Access to Information Act, 2016 and section 43 and 49 of the Kenya Defence Forces Act, 2012 [1].
Former Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission Chair, Bishop Eliud Webukala, called on the MoD to ensure transparency of budget account. Although he acknowledged that military spending was protected on national security grounds, he urged them to put in place strong and preventative measures. Webukala argued that the KDF was “also affected by corruption and unethical conduct in its operations” [2].

Beyond the general review during the legislative budget process, there is limited knowledge of expenditure and detailed allocation. However, the Defence budget is published on the Ministry of Finance website in aggregated form and no explanation is provided.[1]

The approved defence budget is available through the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning. However, certain aspects of the Defence budget, especially the section that is often labelled as covert, are not accessible because the full details are not publicly disclosed.[1] The full budget is only accessible through the internal bureaucracy at the Ministry of National Defense. See the full national budget here: https://www.mfdp.gov.lr.[2][3] The non-disclosed sections typically cover procurement, surveillance, or operational travel and are often lumped under broad categories like “administrative costs” without further breakdown.
Despite limited public disclosure, the General Auditing Commission (GAC) audits government spending, including the security sector, and flags unauthorised budget overruns. For example, an audit revealed that the National Security Agency (NSA) exceeded its 2023 budget by approximately US$56 million without legislative approval.[4] However, audits are often delayed.

Requests for defence-related information are usually funnelled through the Ministry of National Defense’s bureaucratic channels. Due to security concerns, such requests undergo careful scrutiny.[1][2] For example, the Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) would not grant information requests without first seeking approval from the appropriate chain of command. This additional layer of clearance makes responding to information requests extremely difficult, if not impossible. Even if an assistant minister is authorised to provide information, the responses must first be cleared by the most senior official before being presented to the public.[3]
The 2010 Freedom of Information Act is rarely used, and the government responds slowly, if at all, to information requests. Commitments made under the Open Government Partnership are not supported by the requisite political will.[4]

The defense budget is part of the general state budget. It is part of the finance bills and as such, it is accessible to the public [1]. Finance laws are still available online. The budget is detailed by ministry including the Ministry of Defense with details. It often includes a concise summary and is available in Malagasy for better understanding if people want to consult it [2].

The defence budget is known, but sometimes the financing of certain operations, including arms purchases, is sometimes opaque, especially when these purchases result, in part, from bilateral agreements [1] [2]. Journalists and civil society alike can consult the defense budget [3][4]. Bilateral agreements represent the majority of arms purchases, therefore this represents a significant part of the budget even if it is hidden. In this case, neither civil society nor the press can really know the exact budget.

There is no legislation requiring the armed forces to be transparent about information that concerns them and no specific legislation exists regarding access to information in the defence sector.The public only has access to detailed information on the defense budget in the finance law. The press can also access the budget like civil society, but not all information is always available and labeled “defense secret”[1]. Moreover, certain purchases are only known when they are assigned to military units. Thus, in April 2023, the army was provided with an Airbus H130 helicopter but the financing details are not known to the public. The authorities did not give details. Part of it was included in the defense budget but another part was negotiated by the State. It is in this second part that the media and civil societies do not have detailed information [2].

The finance law allows us to know estimate the share of the budget allocated to the defence and security sector, as well as provide some aggregated details by function.[1] It is published annually on the website of the Ministry of Economy and Finance and is also available through related official websites and media outlets. Despite this information being accessible regarding the budget and its trajectory, the budget remains insufficiently detailed. information remains superficial and limited because, apart from certain data on personnel, certain types of operations and acquisitions, or operational equipment are covered under Decree No. 2023-275 PT-RM of May 3, 2023 which is retroactive to 2020, the year of the coup d’état.[2] The decree excludes works, supply, and service contracts related to defence and security from the scope of the Public Procurement Code. Furtherermore, no detailed budgetary explanation is provided in the finance law docuement.

As mentioned, the budget is broken down into different categories: the general administration of the army (personnel, goods ansd services, investments, acquisitions), military operations, training, transmissions and the militaray inspectorate. Some limited details are provided for each category.[1] The exclusion from the scope of the public procurement code for certain works, supplies and service contracts since 2023, with retrospective effect makes certain areas of the budget not disclosed. This is neither clearly indicated nor justified to the public.[2] Moreover, the national transitional council has, by law, the authority to oversee, which it does not always exercise. The executive power often invokes the pretext of confidentiality to avoid subjecting defence and security institutions to parliamentary control and by extension certain aspects of their budgets and expenditure.[3]

Overall information on the expenditure budget is provided to citizens, the media, and civil society; but it remains extremely difficult for the components mentioned to have access to details on the use of this budget. Civil society actors and media representatives are unable to obtain detailed information on expenditure relating to the defence and security budget.[1] Most requests in this direction remain unanswered, and when they are given, they are rarely accompanied by explanations, often citing considerations of defence secrecy or the vital interests of the State as reasons for withholding information. Generally, access to information on defence and security issues in Mali remains very limited due to the principle of defence secrecy. Until now, there are no alternative mechanisms for democratic control regarding matters classified as defence secrets. Furthermore, no legal framework exists to compel the authorities to disclose information beyond what they are willing to release upon request, leaving citizens, the media, and society with no effective means to enforce access.[2]

The approved Defence Budget is proactively published for the public through the Economic and Social Plan and State Budget [1]. In practice, citizens, civil society and the media can obtain detailed information on the defence budget through the Official Gazette [2], the website of the Ministry of Economy and Finance [2] and the library of the Assembly of the Republic [3]. However, there are limitations in cases of classified material or budget information protected by military and state.
Furthermore, while there is a general description regarding defence, there is no specific explanation of the budget breakdown. The International Budget Partnership recommends a more comprehensive Budget Proposal and Enacted Budget [4].

The vast majority of the approved Defence Budget is fully disclosed and comprehensiveness to the media and civil society actors, with exceptions made for legitimate sensitive areas, but this is clarified and justified by the State Secrets Act [1]. The operational areas and strategic defence and security products are not public in the Economic and Social Plan and State Budget Execution Report (BdPESOE). There is little evidence of oversight by other appropriate authorities and civil society due to lack of technical capacity and specific expertise [2, 3].

The approved Defence Budget is made publicly available on the website of the Ministry of Economy and Finance and is published in the Official Gazette of the Republic – Official Publication of the Republic of Mozambique [1]. In terms of information requested by citizens, the media and civil society on the execution of the defence budget, it can be provided, but there may be unjustifiable delays and cases where information is unduly withheld or redacted for reasons of national security, taking into account the Law on State Secrets and Military Secrets [2]. Following the approval of the Law on the Right to Information in 2014 (FOIA) [3], several studies carried out on open and closed institutions in Mozambique indicate that Mozambican public institutions are closed, as a result of the culture of secrecy that has been established since the proclamation of National Independence, due to the experiences of the civil war [4].

The approved financial law is regularly published for the public in the Official Journal While it provides some budgetary explanations, these are generalized and lack detailed or clear language regarding specific types of expenditures. Moreover, the explanation covers the overall budget rather than focusing specifically on security and defence expenditures. The budget for defence and security is presented in an aggregated form, offering limited insight into specific allocations or spending details. [1]

The Nigerien defence budget is published annually as part of the financial law, accessible in the Official Journal in both printed and online formats. While the budget outlines key expenditure items [1], most areas of the approved defence budget are not detailed. Additionally, there is no clear or public justification for undisclosed areas of the budget, nor is there evidence of robust oversight by suitable authorities.

Information on the defence budget published in the Official Journal is generally accessible to the public through the National Archives. However, detailed unpublished information remains inaccessible. According to the 2011 Ordonnance, administrative documents are categorized as either “communicable” or “non-communicable,” reflecting an established level of state secrecy regarding certain aspects of government operations. This classification limits transparency, particularly concerning detailed defence budgetary allocations and expenditures. [1] [2]

Nigeria does publish its defence budget as passed by the National Assembly (NASS). While the budget documents are publicly accessible, the approved defence budget is published for the public in aggregated form with limited or no budgetary explanation [1]. The total budget is usually subsumed under personnel, overhead, recurrent and capital. Detailed line items are often publicly available, as evidence in the 2024 Federal Budget [2]. However, some civil society organisations such as Budgit and Budgetpedia try to engage critically with Nigeria’s budget, in other to enhance its accessibility to the public, promote transparency and foster active citizen engagement for institutional reforms, efficient service delivery and an equitable society.

Nigeria’s approved national budget—including the defence allocation—is publicly available through platforms such as Budgetpedia.ng and the Budget Office of the Federation, which provides substantial budget details [1]. The defence budget outlines expenditures by ministry, department, and agency (MDA), and includes line items for personnel, overheads, and capital projects.
However, sensitive procurement details, such as the exact quantity, type, and source of arms or equipment, are typically not disclosed, as they are considered classified for national security reasons. This is a common practice globally and does not, in itself, negate transparency if other mechanisms exist to ensure oversight.
In Nigeria, oversight functions fall under the Public Accounts Committee of the National Assembly and the Appropriations Committee, which review the defence budget, albeit with limited access to classified components [4]. Reports from civil society suggest that this oversight is not always robust, and actual scrutiny varies depending on political will and the influence of service chiefs [2].
Furthermore, while civil society and the media sometimes report on major procurements (especially during induction ceremonies or defense expos), this is typically reactive visibility, rather than structured or institutionalised access to full procurement plans [3].

Nigeria does publish its budget which also contains allocations to the security and defence sector. However, obtaining information on some of the aspects of the approved defence budget that is not fully disclosed to the media and civil society actors is always difficult. National security concerns or operational security considerations are often cited as the reasons why information is not made available to the public if on requests that borders on Freedom of Information (FOI) Act [1]. Specifically, Section 11 of the FOI Act includes provisions that allow for the protection of national security information [2].
Beyond the FOI Act, civilian access to defence sector information is further restricted by contradictory legal provisions within existing laws, including the Official Secrets Act (LFN 2004), the Criminal Code, the Procurement Act, and the FOI Act itself. These conflicting statutes create legal ambiguity and serve as significant impediments to external oversight efforts at all levels. Additionally, long-term oversight is further constrained by the compulsory Oath of Secrecy administered to personnel across the defence and related agencies, reinforcing institutional opacity.
Despite these barriers, some legislators argue that while operational security information should remain restricted, expenditure-related issues should be more transparent and accessible to the public [3].

The approved budget of the defenceministry is published in aggregated format. [1] A citizen budget providing an official explanation of the budget is available but no information of the defence budget is included. [2 ] Some analysis written by a civil society organisation is available to the public but it does include explanaiton on the defence budget. [3]

The information available on the approved budget procurement budget is aggregated and no information is availble on the procurement budget with no justification. [1] There is no evidence of strong oversight of the approved defence budget in practice . [2]

There is no specific request for information mechanism for the defence sector.[1] The overall budget of the ministry of the armed forces is known to all and accessible although not detailed and some information not being included.[2]

South Africa’s budget process is highly transparent and accessible with proactive efforts to publish departmental budgets through interactive tools such as “Vulekamali”. [1] As a result, the country has consistently ranked high on the Open Budget Survey – most recently fourth in the world. [2] Budget information on individual votes is shared in an accessible format which includes an explanation of trends and allocations for non-experts. [3]

The Department of Defence’s annual budget is generally comprehensive with information on allocations to various programmes, sub-programmes, and economic classifications. Transfers to the Special Defence Account used for intelligence and the acquisition of armaments are, however, only publicly available as a budget head and disaggregated budget information is not provided for this account as is standard in many countries. [1] While the Auditor-General of South Africa is entitled to review expenditures under the Special Defence Account, it has expressed ongoing reservations about full access to sensitive expenditures under the Special Defence Account related to a small percentage (0.7%) of spending under the Account. [2]

While most budget information is proactively shared, a small proportion of defence spending is regarded as sensitive and not accessible to the public. The Promotion of Access to Information Act allows citizens to request access to a broad range of information held by government bodies, but section 41 of the Act allows for the refusal of requests for records if it were to prejudice the defence of the Republic. [1] The Department of Defence’s delayed response to a request for access to information under the Act submitted by the main opposition party in relation to a Russian vessel docking at a naval base, illustrates a lack of responsiveness to information requests as well as a willingness to use “national security” justifications to unnecessarily withhold information. [2]

Since the defence budget is captured in the national budget, it is proactively published along other budget estimates for various ministries [1]. The budget is often detailed but the main challenge with the publications is that they are limited in access especially by members of the public. Only few copies are published and sometimes getting a soft copy of the budget can be limited by lack of access to computers and internet, electricity and printing facilities [2]. There are, however, efforts to post the budget online including the 2023 -2024 budget that is available online [3].
South Sudan’s Defence Ministry mostly publishes key components of the budget and not detailed estimates —more so for sensitive operations, capital equipment and classified expenditures—are routinely withheld and are often justified under the umbrella of “classified expenditure” to prevent public oversight. For example, in the draft 2023/2024 budget SSP 143.26 billion was allocated to the Ministry of Defence, however only SSP 6.7 billion of this amount was specified as capital spending. The remaining amount was not publicly itemized, with officials citing confidentiality and security concerns. [4]

Although the budget estimates are published, the details of the budget are limited. Only overall estimates are provided but not in fine details. For example, the 2023 -2024 approved budget has only five pages of budget for the Ministry of Defence (pages 439 to 444) [1]. This is however evidence of oversight by the Standing Specialised Committee on Defence and Veteran Affairs of the Transitional National Legislative Assembly [2]. Certain areas of the budget are not clear and are not available publicly [3].

Legally, Right of Access to Information Act, 2013 (No. 65 of 2013) require government agencies to provide information to the public. The act was adopted with the goal of “promoting maximum disclosure of information in the public interest”. [1] Indeed, the act is categorical in Section 17 (1) that “Every public body shall annually publish and disseminate key information about the public body, in an accessible form.” [1] While there is no evidence from local and regional media that citizens are getting positive responses upon request for information, [2] it is worth noting that the government of South Sudan has continued to provide training and manuals that can assist stakeholders to understand the right of access to information. For example, on October 2021, an event themed “Right to Know-Rebuilding Communities with Access to Information” was hosted by the government and UNESCO where South Sudan Information Commission launched Regulations on Access to Information, 2021 and two training manuals for CSOs and Public Information Officers. [3]
Although there are constitutional and legal provisions to provide information requested by public, the culture of secrecy in defence and security institutions deters citizens to request such information. Also, most citizens are not aware of their constitutional and legal rights to request information from the defence and security institutions. Key informants have confirmed that accessing information in the sector is extremely difficult [4].

The approved defence budget is accessible to the public. The budget is broken down with detailed explanations for both experts and non-experts, except the classified budget which remains unexplained.[1,2,3]
The approved budget for defence in Uganda is made publicly available. Here are some details on the approved budget for defence in Uganda for the fiscal year 2024-2025:
– The budget stands at Shs72.136 trillion, which is a significant increase from the initial projection of Shs58.34 trillion.
– The budget is allocated as follows:
– Recurrent expenditure: Shs18.9 trillion
– Development expenditure: Shs34.7 trillion
– Statutory expenditure: Shs72.136 trillion
– The budget prioritises human capital development and allocates Shs9.9 trillion to this sector, which is 26.3% of the total budget.
– The budget also allocates Shs9.1 trillion to governance and security [4].

The publication of the approved defence budget, allocating Shs9.1 trillion to governance and security, reveals a dual-layered approach to transparency. A portion of the budget is indeed made publicly available, typically encompassing details on overall allocations, major procurement programmes, and personnel costs [1]. This information is generally accessible within national budget documents, disseminated through the Ministry of Finance website and parliamentary channels. This public disclosure allows for a degree of transparency, enabling citizens and oversight bodies to understand the broad financial commitments to the defence sector.[2][3]
However, a significant portion of the defence budget remains classified, shrouding sensitive expenditures in secrecy. This classification primarily covers expenditures related to sensitive operations, intelligence gathering, and specialised equipment. These classified expenditures are deliberately withheld from public disclosure, limiting transparency and public scrutiny. This practice, while often justified on grounds of national security, creates an accountability gap, as it prevents thorough examination of how a substantial portion of defence funds are utilised. The division between publicly available and classified budget information highlights the delicate balance between transparency and national security considerations, a balance that continues to be debated.

While it is true that copies of the approved defence budget are deposited in Parliament and accessible to researchers upon request, the accessibility of information is not without its limitations. The process of requesting budget documents from the parliamentary library, while formally available, can be subject to delays, [1] Administrative procedures, bureaucratic hurdles, and the sheer volume of requests can contribute to significant waiting times, potentially hindering timely research and analysis. This delay in accessing information can impede the ability of researchers, civil society organisations, and even parliamentary members to effectively scrutinise defence spending and hold the government accountable [1]
Moreover, the issue of unduly refused or redacted information for national security reasons is a significant concern. While the government has legitimate reasons to protect sensitive defence information, the broad application of national security classifications can be used to shield potentially problematic expenditures from public scrutiny [2]. Instances where information is redacted or refused without clear justification raise questions about transparency and accountability. The lack of a robust mechanism for challenging these classifications further exacerbates the problem. Researchers and oversight bodies may find themselves unable to access crucial data, limiting their ability to assess the effectiveness and efficiency of defence spending.[2][3]

The total budget allocated to the defence sector is made public [1], but the specific budget items and details of how the funds will be spent are not disclosed. The approved budget, including the budget items is not published for public access. This information is restricted to the defence chiefs, the Ministry of Defence, and the executive [2]. Only the overall national budget is made available to the public [3]. To access the budget, see the link provided [3]. It cannot be found on the websites of the Ministry of Finance or the Ministry of Defence, as they do not publish it. Instead, this information is available only through other sources that post the country’s budget.

The public does not see or receive a comprehensive defence budget because it is not published to the public, but only the total budget allocated to the defence is made known to the public through the Minister of Finance presentation of the budget to parliament [1]. The Service Chiefs are aware of the defence items to be spent on the defence budget [2].

It is never easy to obtain information concerning further explanation on the defence budget because, it is always regarded as a security issue [1]. The itemised budget items are often classified under the Official Secrets Act since the defence sector is considered highly sensitive [2]. While Zimbabwe has an Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA)—now partially replaced by the Freedom of Information Act (2020)—which theoretically allows citizens to request information from public bodies, in practice these requests are rarely successful for defence-related matters. The Ministry of Defence routinely invokes national security exemptions under the Official Secrets Act or the Freedom of Information Act to deny the release of information [3].