The country has no framework for regulating lobbying activity [1]. In Benin, there is very little evidence of the existence of lobbying activities with defense institutions. The strict confidentiality surrounding defense matters and the legislation on defense secrecy (in particular Law No. 2019-05) makes any transparency on interactions in this sense difficult [2]. Apart from international security cooperation or the procurement of defense equipment which are documented, there is little information on lobbying. Such framework is non existent [1].

The country has no framework for regulating lobbying activity so this indicator is marked Not Applicable [1]. In Benin, there is very little evidence of the existence of lobbying activities with defense institutions. The strict confidentiality surrounding defense matters and the legislation on defense secrecy (in particular Law No. 2019-05) makes any transparency on interactions in this sense difficult [2]. Apart from international security cooperation or the procurement of defense equipment which are documented, there is little information on lobbying. And also the framework is non existent [1].

The country has no framework for regulating lobbying activity so this indicator is marked Not Applicable [1]. In Benin, there is very little evidence of the existence of lobbying activities with defense institutions. The strict confidentiality surrounding defense matters and the legislation on defense secrecy (in particular Law No. 2019-05) makes any transparency on interactions in this sense difficult [2]. Apart from international security cooperation or the procurement of defense equipment which are documented, there is little information on lobbying. And also the framework is non existent [1].

The country has no framework for regulating lobbying activity so this indicator is marked Not Applicable [1]. In Benin, there is very little evidence of the existence of lobbying activities with defense institutions. The strict confidentiality surrounding defense matters and the legislation on defense secrecy (in particular Law No. 2019-05) makes any transparency on interactions in this sense difficult [2]. Apart from international security cooperation or the procurement of defense equipment which are documented, there is little information on lobbying. And also the framework is non existent [1].

Burundi does not have a legal framework covering lobbying activities, whether in other sectors or in the defence sector. [1] [2] [3]

Burundi does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector so this indicator is marked Not Applicable. Lobbying is certainly present within Burundi’s Defence and security sector but it is not a practice sufficiently institutionalized to the point of being the subject of legislation in Burundi. [1][2][3]

Burundi does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector so this indicator is marked Not Applicable. Lobbying is certainly present within Burundi’s Defence and security sector but it is not a practice sufficiently institutionalized to the point of being the subject of legislation in Burundi. [1][2][3]

Burundi does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector so this indicator is marked Not Applicable. Lobbying is certainly present within Burundi’s Defence and security sector but it is not a practice sufficiently institutionalized to the point of being the subject of legislation in Burundi. [1][2][3]

Lobbying is virtually unknown in Cameroon. In other countries, such as the United States, lobbyists collaborate with parliamentarians to influence their decisions for the benefit of the companies they represent. This phenomenon appears to be entirely absent in Cameroon.[1] Furthermore, the Ministry of Defence is such a powerful state institution that journalists and whistleblowers rarely report on issues for fear of reprisals.[2]

Cameroon lacks legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector, so this indicator is marked as Not Applicable.[1][2]

Cameroon lacks legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector, so this indicator is marked as Not Applicable.[1][2]

Cameroon lacks legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector, so this indicator is marked as Not Applicable.[1][2]

The country does not have a legislative or regulatory framework governing pressure groups, although there is an ordinance regulating CSOs. CSOs include non-political, non-profit, religious, national and international NGOs, civil society organisations and foundations. The latter are subject to obligations relating to the fight against money laundering, terrorist financing and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (LBCIFTIFP). However, some may be recognised as being of public interest and receive public funding.
The issue of lobbying, but more specifically that of advocacy, is not mentioned in the text [1, 2].

The country has no specific legislation on pressure groups, so this sub-indicator is marked as Not Applicable [1, 2].

The country has no specific legislation on pressure groups, so this sub-indicator is marked as Not Applicable [1, 2].

The country has no specific legislation on pressure groups, so this sub-indicator is marked as Not Applicable [1, 2].

The country has no framework for regulating lobbying activity. The Public Procurement Act for instance does not have any provision on lobbying within the defence institution.

The country has no framework for regulating lobbying activity. (1)

The country has no framework for regulating lobbying activity. (1)

The country has no framework for regulating lobbying activity. (1)

The country does not have a framework that regulates lobbying activity.
Lobbying occurs but there are no lobbying regulations except for procurement where there are spefic guidelines and provisions on Conflict of Interest [1].

The country does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector, this sub-indicator is marked as Not Applicable [1].

The country does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector, this sub-indicator is marked as Not Applicable [1].

The country does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector, this sub-indicator is marked as Not Applicable [1].

There is no legal framework regulating lobbying activity. The Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) categorises Liberia’s Parliament as lacking transparency measures regarding lobbying.[1][2]

There is no legal framework regulating lobbying activity.[1][2] Therefore, this indicator is marked Not Applicable.

There is no legal framework regulating lobbying activity.[1][2] Therefore, this indicator is marked Not Applicable.

There is no legal framework regulating lobbying activity.[1][2] Therefore, this indicator is marked Not Applicable.

Madagascar does not have a regulatory framework for lobbying activities. But that doesn’t mean it doesn’t exist in practice. Often lobbying takes other forms. Among them, media hype [1]. Sometimes, entities that want to defend their interests approach political leaders directly at the risk of being accused of corruptors or accused of influence peddling [2].

The country does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector, so this indicator is marked as Not Applicable. [1] [2].

The country does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector, so this indicator is marked as Not Applicable. [1] [2].

The country does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector, so this indicator is marked as Not Applicable. [1] [2].

The country does not have a framework for regulating lobbying activities,.or it does have a framework for regulating pressure groups, but the defence sector is exempt.[1]

This legal framework does not exist for Mali, there is no text available in this sense, neither at the level of the general secretariat of the government nor at the level of parliament nor elsewhere so this indicator is marked Not Applicable. [1]

This legal framework does not exist for Mali, there is no text available in this sense, neither at the level of the general secretariat of the government nor at the level of parliament nor elsewhere so this indicator is marked Not Applicable. [1]

This legal framework does not exist for Mali, there is no text available in this sense, neither at the level of the general secretariat of the government nor at the level of parliament nor elsewhere so this indicator is marked Not Applicable. [1]

Despite lobbying activity and some prominent corruption cases involving lobbyists, the country has no framework for regulating lobbying. There is only the Public Probity Law, Law No. 16/2012, of August 14, which establishes the bases and the legal framework relating to public morality and respect for public property by public servants [1]. According to this law, all public servants who hold leadership and management positions must declare all their assets 45 days after their appointment and dismissal. However, lobbying is not regulated and it is not declared in Mozambique.

The public officials in defence institutions are not required to publish records of lobbying meetings or to disclose any identified conflicts of interest risks. According to the Public Probity Act [1], all public officials in leadership or management positions in defence institutions must declare their assets annually at the Attorney General’s Office, according to the model approved by Decree No. 27/2014, of June 6 [2].
Lobbying is not regulated and it is not declared in Mozambique. Therefore, this indicator is marked as Not Applicable.

The public officials in defence institutions are not required to publish records of lobbying meetings or to disclose any identified conflicts of interest risks. According to the Public Probity Act [1], all public officials in leadership or management positions in defence institutions must declare their assets annually at the Attorney General’s Office, according to the model approved by Decree No. 27/2014, of June 6 [2].
Lobbying is not regulated and it is not declared in Mozambique. Therefore, this indicator is marked as Not Applicable.

There is no oversight or enforcement of lobbying legislation. The institution that could deal with lobbying supervision would be Parliament and the Attorney General’s Office, but they do not have this mandate. They only limit themselves to supervising issues related to Public Probity and anti-corruption [1, 2].

Niger lacks specific laws or regulations governing lobbying of defence institutions, as confirmed by the absence of documented lobbying activity in SIPRI [1] and the African Security Network reports [2] [3], which focus on security sector dynamics but do not identify formal lobbying mechanisms. The legal vacuum suggests a high risk of unregulated influence, particularly in a context where informal networks often shape decision-making [4]. Without explicit legal safeguards, Niger’s defence sector remains vulnerable to undue external pressures.

Niger does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector.[1] [2]

Niger does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector.[1] [2]

Niger does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector.[1] [2]

Nigeria has no framework for regulating lobbying activity. Given that some firms have emerged in recent times to engaging in lobbying activities, public analysts have begun to advocate for a comprehensive regulatory framework explicitly governing corporate lobbying activities in Nigeria [1].

Nigeria has no framework for regulating lobbying activity. Therefore, this indicator has been marked Not Applicable. [1]

Nigeria has no framework for regulating lobbying activity. Therefore, this indicator has been marked Not Applicable. [1]

Nigeria has no framework for regulating lobbying activity. Therefore, this indicator has been marked Not Applicable. [1]

Like every country in the world, Senegal has lobbyists and pressure groups. Several pressure groups, including the media lobby, the maraboutic lobby, the Lebanese lobby, the judicial lobby and many others were identified. [1] However, the country has no legislation regulating lobbying in the defence sector. Lobbying is not regulated in Senegal. [2] .

The country does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector so this indicator is marked Non- Applicable. [1][2]

The country does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector so this indicator is marked Non- Applicable. [1] [2]

The country does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector so this indicator is marked Non- Applicable. [1] [2]

South Africa does not have a legal framework regulating lobbying. There are no requirements on companies to disclose their lobbying activities, their membership of trade associations, or their funding of think tanks or policy research.

South Africa does not have a legal framework regulating lobbying. Therefore, this indicator is marked Not Applicable.

South Africa does not have a legal framework regulating lobbying. Therefore, this indicator is marked Not Applicable.

South Africa does not have a legal framework regulating lobbying. Therefore, this indicator is marked Not Applicable.

A look at both the SPLA Act of 2009 [1] and the Civil Service Act 2011 [2] does not show any evidence of a framework to regulate lobbying activities in the defence sector. There is no specific law making lobbying illegal or regulating it. [3]

The SPLA Act of 2009 [1] and the Civil Service Act 2011 [2] do not show any evidence of a framework to regulate lobbying activities in the defence sector therefore this section is scored Not Applicable.

The SPLA Act of 2009 [1] and the Civil Service Act 2011 [2] do not show any evidence of a framework to regulat lobbying activities in the defence sector. Therefore this indicator is scored Not Applicable.

The SPLA Act of 2009 [1] and the Civil Service Act 2011 [2] do not show any evidence of a framework to regulat lobbying activities in the defence sector. Therefore this indicator is scored Not Applicable.

Despite the presence of diverse laws and policies, lobbying of defence institutions is not explicitly regulated. Nevertheless, there some relevant laws and institutions which can be referred to in this case. The Constitution of Uganda (1995) Article 208 mandates the UPDF to defend the country and its interests. The Military Doctrine guides the UPDF’s operations and engagements [1,2,3,4].

Not applicable. Uganda does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector. While the Leadership Code Act (2002) requires public officials to declare assets and interests, it does not extend to transparency around lobbying or lobbying-related conflicts of interest.

Not applicable. Uganda does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector. While the Leadership Code Act (2002) requires public officials to declare assets and interests, it does not extend to transparency around lobbying or lobbying-related conflicts of interest.

Not applicable. Uganda does not have legislation that regulates lobbying in the defence sector. While the Leadership Code Act (2002) requires public officials to declare assets and interests, it does not extend to transparency around lobbying or lobbying-related conflicts of interest.

The country does not have a legal framework that regulates lobbying and applies to the defence sector [1] [2].

The country does not have a legal framework that promote lobying of the defence sector [1] [2]. Therefore, this indicator is marked Not Applicable.

The country does not have a legal framework that promote lobying of the defence sector [1] [2]. Therefore, this indicator is marked Not Applicable.

The country does not have a legal framework that promote lobying of the defence sector [1] [2]. Therefore, this indicator is marked Not Applicable.