Political Risk:

High

Score:

40/100

Defence and Security Policy and Policy Transparency

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Q1 25/100

Is there formal provision for effective and independent legislative scrutiny of defence policy?

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Formal rights Score: 50 / 100
The legislative body’s power to pass or reject legislation is clear. [1] The Standing Committee for Foreign Affairs, Defence, and Security has been recommending…
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Effectiveness Score: 0 / 100
The policy has not been debated for the past five years at least. Every year since 2016, the Standing Committee for Foreign Affairs, Defence,…
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Independent legislature scrutiny Score: 25 / 100
Parliament – like everyone else – is systematically unable to provide scrutiny given the little information provided it. The National Defence Policy is outdated,…
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Q2 20/100

Does the country have an identifiable and effective parliamentary defence and security committee (or similar such organisations) to exercise oversight?

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Formal rights Score: 50 / 100
Under the Standing Orders 2020, the Standing Committee for Foreign Affairs, Defence, and Security was established. It oversees the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and…
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Expertise Score: NEI / 100
There is not enough information to score this indicator. Section 135(5)d of Standing Orders states that the Speaker should “bear in mind” the background…
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Responsive policymaking Score: 0 / 100
A review of annual reports by the Standing Committee for Foreign Affairs, Defence, and Security reveals that recommendations by the committee since 2016 to…
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Short-term oversight Score: 25 / 100
The committee has one chance to influence the budget, in the committee meetings that precede the parliamentary session that considers the annual budget proposal.…
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Long-term oversight Score: 0 / 100
There is no evidence in the committee’s records of any long term investigations being undertaken by the relevant committee. [1]
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Institutional outcomes Score: 25 / 100
The committee makes recommendations, but on the evidence of its own reports, does not follow up on their implementation. [1]
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Q3 6/100

Is the country’s national defence policy or national security strategy debated and publicly available?

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Scope of involvement Score: 25 / 100
The National Defence Policy of 2004 is the extant policy, but the security environment has changed so much that it is no longer relevant.…
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Scope of debate Score: 0 / 100
There is very limited public discussion in parliament, by the executive or in the media about security issues, particularly if they involve external threats.…
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Public consultations Score: 0 / 100
The Standing Committee for Foreign Affairs, Defence, and Security has called every year since 2016 for a new policy to be formulated and been…
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Transparency Score: 0 / 100
Getting any detail of security strategy and defence policy is not easy. No significant documentation on the structure or size of the military, its…
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Q4 17/100

Do defence and security institutions have a policy, or evidence, of openness towards civil society organisations (CSOs) when dealing with issues of corruption?

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Policy of openness Score: 0 / 100
No such policy could be identified in the public domain. The Access to Information Act specifically exempts military matters from disclosure, including in Section…
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CSO protections Score: 50 / 100
The constitution sets out broad rights to freedom of association and to participation in public affairs in Articles 20 and 21. [1] However, in…
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Practice of openness Score: 0 / 100
A review of websites of governance-oriented CSOs, as well as that of the Ministry of Defence and National Service, showed no evidence of engagement…
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Q5 75/100

Has the country signed up to the following international anti-corruption instruments: UNCAC and the OECD Convention?

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Signatory and Ratification status Score: 100 / 100
Tanzania is not a significant arms exporter. [1] Tanzania ratified the UNCAC in 2005. [2]
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Compliance Score: 50 / 100
The UNODC have highlighted that not all elements of UNCAC have been rolled out in Zanzibar, particularly on asset recovery. [1] They have also…
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Q6 25/100

Is there evidence of regular, active public debate on issues of defence? If yes, does the government participate in this debate?

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Public debate Score: 25 / 100
There is very limited space for public debate on defence matters in Tanzania. For instance, the journalist Azory Gwanda has been missing since November…
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Government engagement in public discourse Score: 25 / 100
Discussion is one way, and minimal. Engagement with news media through press conferences where probing questions are not tolerated, and mostly consist of very…
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Q7 75/100

Does the country have an openly stated and effectively implemented anti-corruption policy for the defence sector?

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Anti-corruption policy Score: 100 / 100
There is an openly stated anti-corruption strategy and action plan named National Anti-Corruption Strategy and Action Plan Phase III (NACSAP) formulated in July, 2017.…
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Effective implementation Score: 50 / 100
The National Anti-Corruption Strategy and Action Plan Phase III of 2017-2022 [1] has identified some of the institutional weaknesses at a ministerial level. It…
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Q8 38/100

Are there independent, well-resourced, and effective institutions within defence and security tasked with building integrity and countering corruption?

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Mandate and resources Score: 50 / 100
The Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau (PCCB) functions under the Prevention and Combating of Corruption Act No. 11 of 2007. [1] The Act…
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Independence Score: 25 / 100
The PCCB is under the direct control of the President of Tanzania, who is also the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. [1] The President…
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Effectiveness Score: NEI / 100
There is not enough information to score this indicator. A search of media sources and government websites did not provide evidence to determine whether…
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Q9 NS/100

Does the public trust the institutions of defence and security to tackle the issue of bribery and corruption in their establishments?

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Score: NS / 100
This indicator is not assigned a score in the GDI. This is particularly hard to judge given restrictions on freedom of expression. The Afrobarometer…
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Q10 92/100

Are there regular assessments of the areas of greatest corruption risk for ministry and armed forces personnel, and are the findings used as inputs to the anti-corruption policy?

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Risk assessments Score: 75 / 100
According to a senior official from the PCCB headquarters, corruption risk assment is a regular practice, pzrformed by the PCCB and not an independent…
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Regularity Score: 100 / 100
As explained in 10A, the risk assessment is done quarterly by the PCCB and annually by the Ethics Secretariat for specific public leaders. [1]…
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Inputs to anti-corruption policy Score: 100 / 100
According to a PCCB senior officer, the findings from the risk assessment report for the likely areas of potential corrupt practices are usually incorporated…
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Defence Budgets

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Q11 8/100

Does the country have a process for acquisition planning that involves clear oversight, and is it publicly available?

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Acquisition planning process Score: 25 / 100
According to a senior military officer there is an acquisition plan in place with clear oversight. [1] However such a plan is neither publicly…
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Transparency Score: 0 / 100
Under the Public Procurement Act 2011, “defence and security organs” can present procurement requirements to the Public Procurement Regulatory Authority (PPRA) classed as “open”…
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External oversight Score: 0 / 100
There is only external oversight if there is agreement on a dual list of open and restricted goods and services are required. [1] It…
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Q12 50/100

Is the defence budget transparent, showing key items of expenditure? And it is provided to the legislature in a timely fashion?

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Comprehensiveness Score: 50 / 100
defence budgets are fairly comprehensively prepared but do not go into detailed expenditure. [1] As indicated above, specific items within the defence budgets are…
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Timeliness Score: 50 / 100
The legislature, in this case the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security parliamentary committee, receives the proposed defence budget one month before the start of…
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Q13 50/100

Is there a legislative committee (or other appropriate body) responsible for defence budget scrutiny and analysis in an effective way?

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Formal rights Score: 50 / 100
A defence committee exists which is known as the Standing Committee for Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security. The committee was established according to Permanent…
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Influence on decision-making Score: 50 / 100
The committee can be influential, but at a limited level. According to the Parliament Standing Orders, one of the functions of the Foreign affairs,…
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Q14 17/100

Is the approved defence budget made publicly available? In practice, can citizens, civil society, and the media obtain detailed information on the defence budget?

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Proactive publication Score: 25 / 100
Aggreggrated budgets are published prior to approval, in the Minister for Defence’s budget speech, [1] and after approval in the Budget Books on the…
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Comprehensiveness Score: 0 / 100
The published budget is highly aggregrated, making effective public scrutiny difficult. There is no explicit justification given for the level of aggregration in either…
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Response to information requests Score: 25 / 100
Information requested in the budget can be provided but delays are the norm. [1] [2] It should however be noted that it is not…
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Q15 33/100

Are sources of defence income other than from central government allocation (from equipment sales or property disposal, for example) published and scrutinised?

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Transparency Score: 25 / 100
There are a number of businesses within the military, the most high profile of which is SUMA-JKT, though none of their incomes are stated…
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Institutional scrutiny Score: 75 / 100
According to a senior military officer, there are internal audit units in every sector of the military which are independent and flexible enough to…
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Public scrutiny Score: 0 / 100
There is almost no public scrutiny of defence income from any souces. Legislation such as the National Security Act 1970, which covers access to…
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Q16 56/100

Is there an effective internal audit process for defence ministry expenditure (that is, for example, transparent, conducted by appropriately skilled individuals, and subject to parliamentary oversight)?

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Activity Score: 100 / 100
According to a senior military officer, [1] there are internal audit units in every sector of the military, which have the independence and flexibility…
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Enabling oversight Score: 25 / 100
While an internal audit takes place, [1] the full findings are not presented to parliament. This applies across the public service. The Controller and…
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External scrutiny Score: 50 / 100
External scrutiny of the defence budget for internal audits is provided by the CAG [1] and the parliament, [2] as provided for in the…
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Institutional outcomes Score: 50 / 100
According to a senior officer in the Defence Ministry, [1] sometimes audit findings arising from an internal audit are taken into consideration. However, the…
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Q17 69/100

Is there effective and transparent external auditing of military defence expenditure?

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Activity Score: 75 / 100
There is an external audit unit which has the mandate to review the defence sector. The unit is the office of the Comptroller and…
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Independence Score: 100 / 100
The office of the CAG is constitutionally independent of the executive in reference to section 143 (6). The stated section of the constitution goes…
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Transparency Score: 50 / 100
External audit reports are submitted to parliament in line with the Public Audit Act 2008. [1] In practice, they are made available online very…
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Institutional outcomes Score: 50 / 100
According to a senior officer in the Defence Ministry, sometimes auditing findings are taken into account by resolving the weaknesses identified in the report…
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Nexus of Defence and National Assets

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Q18 45/100

Is there evidence that the country’s defence institutions have controlling or financial interests in businesses associated with the country’s natural resource exploitation and, if so, are these interests publicly stated and subject to scrutiny?

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Legal framework Score: 0 / 100
No legal restrictions on defence institutions having controlling or financial interests could be identified in the public domain. The army’s commercial wing, SUMAJKT, was…
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Defence institutions: Financial or controlling interests in practice Score: 25 / 100
The army’s commercial wing, SUMAJKT, has interests in quarrying, agriculture, livestock, as well as other non-natural resources sectors and is completely legal. [1]
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Individual defence personnel: Financial or controlling interests in practice Score: 100 / 100
There are no known cases in the public domain of military involvement in businesses related to natural resource exploitation in Tanzania.
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Transparency Score: 50 / 100
Interests are usually publicly declared but details are hard to come by. Most commercial activities come under the SUMAJKT corporation, but SUMAJKT does not…
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Scrutiny Score: 50 / 100
The amount of information given to parliament through the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence, and Security, and the minister’s annual budget speech is…
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Organised Crime

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Q19 75/100

Is there evidence, for example through media investigations or prosecution reports, of a penetration of organised crime into the defence and security sector? If no, is there evidence that the government is alert and prepared for this risk?

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Penetration of organised crime Score: 75 / 100
Prior to the reporting period, there had been credible allegations of the involvement of the military, or elements with the military, in organised crime.…
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Government response Score: 75 / 100
The current anti-corruption framework, the National Anti-Corruption Strategy and Action Plan III, only mentiones ‘organised crime’ once, in its introduction. [1] Access is not…
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Q20 58/100

Is there policing to investigate corruption and organised crime within the defence services and is there evidence of the effectiveness of this policing?

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Existence of policing function Score: 75 / 100
According to a senior police officer, there is a department within the national police force that deals with organised crime but not corruption. [1]…
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Independence Score: 75 / 100
The police operate independently of the bodies that they investigate and their budget is within the Ministry of home affairs, according to a senior…
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Effectiveness Score: 25 / 100
A senior police officer interviewed stated that political influence cannot occur due to the ‘formal processes’ involved. This cannot be confirmed. [1] We have…
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Control of Intelligence Services

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Q21 NEI/100

Are the policies, administration, and budgets of the intelligence services subject to effective and independent oversight?

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Independence Score: NEI / 100
There is not enough information to score this indicator, due to a lack of information on whether parliament exercises oversight on the intelligence services.…
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Effectiveness Score: NEI / 100
There is not enough information to score this indicator, due to a lack of information on whether parliament exercises oversight on the intelligence services.…
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Q22 0/100

Are senior positions within the intelligence services filled on the basis of objective selection criteria, and are appointees subject to investigation of their suitability and prior conduct?

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Objective selection criteria Score: 0 / 100
The President appoints the Director-General of Intelligence and Security in line with the existing legal framework [1]. The criteria as well as information as…
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Selection bias Score: NEI / 100
There is not enough information to score this indicator. The public is not informed, though according to the law, senior positions intelligence services are…
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Vetting process Score: NEI / 100
There is not enough information to score this indicator. The public is not informed, though according to the law, senior positions intelligence services are…
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Export Controls

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Q23 50/100

Does the government have a well-scrutinised process for arms export decisions that aligns with Articles 7.1.iv, 11.5, and 15.6 of the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT)?

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Signatory and Ratification Score: 50 / 100
Tanzania signed the ATT on June 3, 2013 but has not ratified it. [1]
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Compliance Score: NA / 100
This indicator is marked as ‘Not Applicable’. Tanzania has signed the ATT on 3 June 2013 but has not ratified it [1]
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Parliamentary scrutiny Score: NA / 100
This indicator is scored ‘Not Applicable’. Tanzania is not an arms exporter. [1]
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Lobbying in Defence

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Q76 0/100

Does the country regulate lobbying of defence institutions?

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Legal framework Score: 0 / 100
No evidence of legislation in Tanzania to govern lobbying could be found in the public domain. [1]
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Disclosure: Public officials Score: NA / 100
This indicator is scored ‘Not Applicable’. There is no evidence of legislation in Tanzania that governs lobbying. [1]
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Lobbyist registration system Score: NA / 100
This indicator is scored ‘Not Applicable’. There is no evidence of legislation in Tanzania that governs lobbying. [1]
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Oversight & enforcement Score: NA / 100
This indicator is scored ‘Not Applicable’. There is no evidence of legislation in Tanzania that governs lobbying. [1]
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