Benin is not a defence exporter [1]. Benin has signed up and ratified on August 5, 2004 at least the UNCAC Convention [2].

Benin has complied with most of its obligations in priority areas covered by the UNCAC, which it has ratified. As an example, Benin’s law against corruption criminalizes the following corruption-related offences: bribery, embezzlement, abuse of functions, money laundering, concealment, obstruction of justice, trading in influence, and illicit enrichment, among others [1]. Also, the country enhanced transparency, efficiency and used objective criteria in the recruitment, hiring, retention, promotion and retirement of public officials; and improved transparency in the funding of electoral campaigns and political parties [2]. However, there are some insufficiencies: “While many of the UNCAC provisions relating to Chapter V on asset recovery have been adopted at national level, such as measures to combat and prevent money laundering, the facilitation of mutual legal assistance and international cooperation; in practice, formal monitoring does not always meet adequate evaluation standards, as in the case of asset declarations” [3]. Also, the National Anti-Corruption Agency was dissolved in 2020. And the government waited four years before establishing the High Commission for the Prevention of Corruption in 2024 [3].

The country is not a significant defence exporter, and it has signed up and ratified at least the UNCAC Convention [1].

In terms of legislation and institutions, Burundi has made great efforts to implement the United Nations Convention against Corruption [1] [2]. The biggest problem remains the effective application of the various texts and the effective functioning of the various anti-corruption institutions [2][3]. The State of Burundi introduced Law No. 1/12 of 18 April 2006 on measures to prevent and punish corruption and related offences. It created the Anti-Corruption Brigade, the Anti-Corruption Court, and the Audit Office, for example. The biggest problem is that, within the State, there are individual players who are highly corrupt and who have become stronger than the law and the anti-corruption institutions . These individuals are the very powerful people who are supposed to enforce the law so they do not hesitate to break it when it comes to safeguarding their own interests. [2]. However, once cannot consider that there is a total failure in the application of the law, given that when the interests of these powerful individuals are not involved, efforts are made to comply with the law [2].

Cameroon has signed and ratified the United Nations Convention against Corruption. The Convention was signed on 10 October 2003 and ratified by the President of the Republic on 6 February 2006. It is in this context that the National Anti-Corruption Commission (CONAC) was established by Decree No. 2006/088 of 11 March 2006. [1] It is an independent public body under the authority of the President of the Republic, with a primary mission to contribute to the fight against corruption. This instrument, aimed at combating corruption in the public sector, operates under the supervision of the President of the Republic. For the second international instrument, Cameroon joined the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development in July 2017. As the 70th country to join the organisation, Cameroon is committed to implementing measures to combat tax evasion.[2]

Cameroon has established a national anti-corruption body. This body publishes annual reports and has introduced a toll-free number for reporting acts of corruption. It also organises anti-corruption awareness campaigns.[1][2] However, there is still scope for improvement in the awarding of public contracts, the management of public finances, and illicit enrichment. Legislative oversight of the assets of public officials and legitimate income remains ineffective. Asset recovery measures are not yet well developed, as control mechanisms are virtually non-existent. The former Defence Minister Edgar, who was accused of financial embezzlement,[3] has been brought before the Special Criminal Court (established to address major corruption acts in all sectors), but so far, none of the embezzled assets have been reimbursed.[4]

The country is not a major exporter of defence products and signed the UNCAC Convention on 10 December 2003 and ratified it on 25 October 2012 [1].

Côte d’Ivoire has put in place measures to comply with its commitments. For example, the country has adopted laws to strengthen the fight against money laundering and terrorist financing, thereby improving its compliance with the recommendations of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). For example, in 2024, Côte d’Ivoire was reassessed as “compliant” or “largely compliant” with several key recommendations [1]. However, challenges remain, particularly in the areas of law enforcement and international judicial cooperation, which limit the effectiveness of transnational investigations. For example, the High Authority for Good Governance (HABG) has referred few cases to the Attorney General since its creation, and prosecutions for corruption are rare [2].

Ghana signed and ratified the UNCAC on 9 December 2004 and 16 December 2005 respectively.(1) Regarding the OECD Convention, Ghana is not a major defence exporter. (2)

Per the status of implementation, Ghana has fully implemented almost all the articles in the UNCAC. However, enforcement in practice for the respective articles of the UNCAC ranges from poor to moderate. (1) This is in line with the country’s poor rating on Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index. In 2023, Ghana scored 43 points out of 100. (2) (3)

Kenya signed and ratified the UNCAC Convention, and deposited its instrument of ratification on 9 December 2003 [1]. Kenya is not a significant security exporter [2].

Kenya was grey-listed in February 2024 for outstanding strategic gaps in its technical compliance and effectiveness with the Financial Action Task Force (FATFT) requirements. Some of these areas included failure to prioritise the investigation/prosecution of money laundering [1]. The United Nations Convention against Corruption’s (UNCAC’s) last implementation review, undertaken in 2019, established the need to strengthen articles [5, 6(1),7(3), 9, 12(1,2b,4], and 14(1a,2) [2]. Some of the relevant indicators to this index included the need to enhance the effectiveness of the procurement system, including by committing the necessary resources to PPRA (art. 9). Moreover, some areas that featured in the FATF deficient areas included recommendations to Designate lawyers, notaries, and other independent legal professions as reporting institutions under POCAMLA (art. 14(1)(a)); and enhance the enforcement of the cross-border declaration system of cash, monetary and bearer negotiable instruments (art. 14(2)) [3].

Liberia is not a significant defence exporter. Liberia acceded to the UNCAC on 16 Sep 2005.[1] and considered a State Party.[2]
The country has signed several defence and security instruments.
• Mutual Defence Assistance Agreement with the United States (1951): On November 19, 1951, Liberia and the United States signed an agreement concerning mutual defence assistance, aiming to strengthen Liberia’s defence capabilities.
• Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Protocols: As a member of ECOWAS, Liberia is a signatory to various protocols related to regional security and defence cooperation, including the ECOWAS Supplementary Act on Investment.
• Accra Peace Agreement (2003): This agreement, signed in August 2003, aimed to end the Second Liberian Civil War. It included provisions for a ceasefire, disarmament, and the restructuring of Liberia’s security forces, with international support for these initiatives.
• United Nations Security Council Resolutions: Resolution 1497 (2003): Authorised a multinational force to support the implementation of a ceasefire agreement in Liberia, using “all necessary measures.”
• Resolution 1509 (2003): Established the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), a 15,000-strong peacekeeping force, to assist in implementing the ceasefire and peace agreement.

Liberia is a State Party to UNCAC, and a 2022 civil society parallel report (executive summary) indicates that while legal instruments for implementing Chapter II (Preventive Measures) are well established, their actual enforcement remains limited. Implementation of Chapter V (Asset Recovery) is significantly weaker; the country lacks a comprehensive legal framework for recovering illicit assets.
Further, the report points out transparency deficiencies: the government has not publicly disclosed the country focal point, review schedule, or the self-assessment checklist, nor has it published the full UNCAC country review report, although civil society was invited to participate in the process.[1]

On tax transparency, Liberia participates actively in the OECD’s Global Forum on Transparency and Exchange of Information for Tax Purposes. According to the Second Round Peer Review (2020), Liberia has established the legal frameworks needed for tax information exchange and is largely compliant in practice. Liberia is also on the OECD’s “white list” of jurisdictions that have substantially implemented international tax standards.[2][3][4]5]
Despite these strengths, Liberia is assessed as partially or non-compliant with FATF anti-money laundering standards, particularly regarding banking enforcement and financial investigations, which are essential complements to UNCAC’s anti-corruption framework.[6]

Madagascar signed the United Nations Convention against Corruption on December 10, 2003. It ratified it on September 22, 2004 [1]. Madagascar is not a significant defence exporter.

Madagascar has established a number of institutions and taken certain measures recommended by the UNCAC. Generally, the anti-corruption system is made up of five institutions: The Committee for the Protection of Integrity (CSI), the Anti-Corruption Office (BIANCO), the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (PAC), the Financial Intelligence Service of Madagascar (SAMIFIN), and the Illicit Assets Recovery Agency (ARAI) [1].Yet, their results remain weak. The main leaders of the Anti-Corruption System recognized that the fight remains difficult. The population seems indifferent to the fight, and denunciations remain rare [2]. The strategies adopted do not seem to yield the expected results. State officials are convinced that a new anti-corruption policy must be adopted [2]. This low result may be the result of certain failures to follow the measures recommended by the UNCAC. Indeed, Madagascar has not deployed all the UNCAC principle. For example, regarding Article 47 on the transfer of criminal proceedings, Madagascar has neither legislation nor practice in this area. Another example: Madagascar has not implemented aArticle 41 of the Convention. The report examining the application of Articles 15 to 42 of Chapter III and Articles 44 to 50 of Chapter IV of the Convention notes several difficulties and calls on the country to take appropriate measures [3]. Also, DCAF supported Madagascar in developing a security sector reform plan. In 2021, the Ministry of Defense announced an implementation plan (2021-2023) for the restructuring of the armed forces, with a focus on strengthening good governance and creating an internal control and risk management system [4].

Mali ratified the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) in April 2008.[1] It should be noted that the country is neither a producer nor an exporter of weapons.[2]

The country has minor compliance defects with the anti-corruption conventions on corruption that it has ratified. These defects are related to how policies based on these conventions are implemented. Although the legal framework aligns with the conventions, but practical dysfunctions in implementation still persist.[1][2][3] These dysfunctions include a lack of strong political will, as evidenced by numerous reports from oversight bodies submitted to authorities but not forwarded to the courts; insufficient institutional resources, particularly technical, financial and human; and the poor coordination among various bodies and actors. As of 2024, the country was still undergoing its second review cycle on the implementation of UNCAC.[4]

According to SIPRI, Mozambique is not a significant arms exporter [1]. It signed up and ratified at least the UNCAC Convention, the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption, and the Southern African Development Community Protocol against Corruption [2]. The country has ratified several important international instruments to combat corruption at the level of the United Nations, African Union and SADC and has a National Policy and Strategy for Preventing and Combating Corruption, in the public sector and in the Defence and Security Forces [3].

The country is not a significant producer and exporter of Defence and Security products, but it has signed and ratified the Arms Trade Treaty – ATT [1] and UNCAC through Resolution No. 31/2006, of December 26 [2]. According to the UNCAC, the country has complied with some of its obligations in priority areas covered by the relevant convention/s it has ratified: creation of the Financial Information Office of Mozambique (GIFiM), a state entity with national scope, by Law No. 14/2007, of June 27, amended by Law No. 2/2018, of June 19 [3]; the Central Office for Combating Corruption, created following the approval of Law No. 6/2004, of June 17 [4]; and the Central Office for Asset Recovery, instituted by Law No. 13/2020, of December 23, which establishes the Special Legal Regime for Extended Forfeiture of Assets and Asset Recovery [5].
Furthermore, in 2024, the Mozambican government was hoping to get out of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) “grey list,” which the country has been on since October 2022 due to deficiencies in its efforts to combat money laundering and terrorist financing. However, the Centre for Public Integrity has warned that Mozambique may not make it off the FATF Grey List, contrary to government projections, because Mozambique is currently in 12th position, with a 7.15 per cent risk, which still places it as a high-risk country for money laundering [6]. The institutional difficulties create important or significant problems of compliance with the conventions it has ratified. Furthermore, there are no significant reports from the Government on corruption, transparency, and accountability in the Defence and Security Sector, as required by ratified conventions [7].

Niger is not a defense exporter. The United Nations Convention against Corruption was ratified by the Parliament of Niger through Act No. 2008-26 of 3 July 2008 and signed by the President of the Republic through Letter No. 15/PRN of 22 July 2008. The Convention was published in the Official Journal through Decree No. 2008-301 of 11 September 2008. [1][2]

Prior to 26 July 2023, Niger had only minor compliance issues with the UNCAC. The UNCAC establishes obligations for governments with regard to preventive measures in different public sectors,.iIt also provides for punitive measures for behavior considered as bribery or illicit enrichment of a public official. It has also has provisions regarding international cooperation between law enforcement authorities, asset recovery, technical assistance, and mechanisms for implementation. The Implementation Review Mechanism (IRM) is a peer review process that assists Sstates parties to effectively implement the Convention. For Niger, the latest review was conducted by the UNODC experts in 2016, resulting in a report, whose the executive summary is public and was published online [1]. According to the document, Niger complied with most of the obligations in priority areas covered by the convention: “In general, Niger has undertaken substantial efforts of reform aimed at implementing the provisions of the Convention. The drafting of a bill containing relevant amendments to the Criminal Code on combating corruption is particularly noteworthy. This bill was submitted during the country review and has proved to be in full compliance with the Convention. Its adoption will provide a response to the comments made below concerning challenges in implementation. Furthermore, the establishment of HALCIA and the Information and Verification Office of the Ministry of Justice have been highlighted, as well as preventative and awareness-raising initiatives on the scourge of corruption. Effective inter-agency coordination and cooperation at a national level has also enabled various authorities involved in the fight against corruption to define their roles and actions more clearly” [1].
The document of the reviewing countries (Russia and Mauritius) received by UNCAC following the verbal note of Note Verbale CU 2023/247/(A) of 19 July 2023 explains that the implementation of Chapters III and IV of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption in Niger demonstrates progress in both legal reforms and international cooperation mechanisms. The document underscores the following progress achieved through 2016-2017. In terms of incrimination, Niger revised its Penal Code under Law No. 2017-10 of March 31, 2017, to expand the scope of corruption-related offenses. This includes provisions penalizing corruption involving national public officials (Article 130), foreign officials and international civil servants (Article 130.1), and private sector corruption (Article 130.2), with penalties ranging from 2 to 10 years of imprisonment. Concurrently, reforms to the Criminal Procedure Code introduced extended statutes of limitations, with corruption-related misdemeanors now prosecutable within 10 years (previously 3 years) and felonies within 20 years (previously 10 years). Sentencing limits were also increased, allowing 15 years for misdemeanors (previously 5 years) and 30 years for felonies (previously 20 years). Additionally, confiscation of proceeds from corruption has been codified as a complementary penalty. Regarding international cooperation, Niger has strengthened its framework for extradition and judicial assistance. Under Article 649.1 of Law No. 2016-21 of June 16, 2016, extradition no longer requires formal agreements, relying instead on reciprocity, international courtesy, or guarantees from requesting states. Judicial assistance, outlined in Article 649.48, facilitates cooperation through flexible means, including accepting verbal requests in emergencies (confirmed within 24 hours in writing), and transmitting requests via email, Interpol, or judicial networks. Niger’s Ministry of Justice serves as the central authority, coordinating with states, the International Criminal Court, and Interpol. These measures reflect Niger’s commitment to addressing corruption comprehensively and fostering effective international collaboration [2]. The review cycle of cChapters II and V of the Convention has not begaun, wthileough it was supposed to begin in 2020 [3].
Despite the underscored progress, there aris little few evidences of other progresses achieved since that review transmitted by Russia and Mauritius in 2023.
Among the challenges identified by the UNODC 2016 review,ais the need for better law reinforcement was needed. The Niger government adopted the anti-corruption bill on December 6, 2016 and HALCIA has become a more aeffective in the identification and seizure of assets through 2017-early 2018 [4]. In January 2018, the Council of Ministers adopted a decree project on the policy document regarding the National Strategy against Corruption and its Action plaNStratégie Nationale de Lutte contre la Corruption et son Plan d’Action [5]. However, since there were no subsequent legislation has since been adopted relevant to the National Strategy. In February 2020, an audit of Niger’s Ministry of Defense revealed extensive corruption and embezzlement within the military between 2014 and 2019. The findings highlighted widespread overpricing, falsified bids, and undelivered military equipment, much of which involved foreign suppliers, including Russian firms. Key figures implicated in the scandal included former defense ministers Mahamadou Karidjo and Kalla Moutari, businessmen Hima Aboubacar and Aboubacar Charfo, and General Wally Karingama. While no generals from the current military regime were directly named in the audit, General Salifou Mody, now the regime’s second-in-command, served as Chief of Staff from 2020 until April 2023, when President Bazoum replaced him in this role [6]. The United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) has driven notable progress in Niger’s legislative and institutional frameworks for combating corruption. However, despite the promise of initial reforms, the lack of subsequent legislative advancements highlights persistent gaps and the need for sustained efforts to ensure full compliance with UNCAC provisions.

Nigeria signed and ratified the UNCAC on December 9, 2003, and October 24, 2004, respectively, but it only became operational in 2005 [1]. Nigeria is not an exporter of arms, and therefore not a member of the OECD convention [2]. However, Nigeria is a party to the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption [AUCC], which was adopted in Maputo on July 11, 2003, to fight rampant political corruption on the African continent. Nigeria signed the AUCPCC on December 16, 2003, and subsequently ratified it on September 26, 2006 [3].

Nigeria, a State Party to the UNCAC, signed the treaty on the 9th of December 2003, and ratified it on the 24th of October 2004, even though UNCAC is yet to be domesticated in Nigeria in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution [1]. Nigeria has major or significant issues of compliance with the convention. Nigeria has not been able to effectively implement robust mechanisms that will enable it to meet some of its obligations under the UNCAC, such as Articles 16 (Bribery of foreign public officials and officials of public international organizations) and 20 (Illicit Enrichment), among others [2,3,4]. Limited compliance with international and domestic laws aimed at combating graft in the public sector “remains a hindrance to Nigeria’s anti-corruption efforts. The absence of a national anti-corruption strategy and an inter-ministerial committee and the lack of an anti-corruption funding framework are obstacles to defeating graft. In addition, the insecurity of the tenure of heads of anti-graft agencies, like EFCC, ICPC and Code of Conduct Tribunal, further contributes to Nigeria’s weak anti-corruption fight [5]. There is equally a lack of public awareness about the provisions of the UNCAC and the mechanisms available for reporting and combating corruption at the sub-national level. Enforcement of the provisions of the Conventions and other anti-corruption laws of Nigeria is often weak due to corruption within law enforcement agencies. There are instances of the noncompliance of several ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) with financial regulations in budgetary implementation in Nigeria. For example, Nigeria’s Supreme Court spent over N12 billion in breach of financial regulations for five years [6]. The media has consistently drawn attention to the government and the public that many Nigerians display wealth that cannot be legitimately traced to their means of livelihood, but the government has failed to take any concrete action [7]. Another barrier militating against the effective implementation of UNCAC in Nigeria is the mode of appointment of the Head of Anti-corruption Agencies, whose appointment and removal are determined by the President. The Executive arm, through the Presidency, interferes in anti-graft operational activities[8][9]. That is to say, Nigeria continues to underperform in addressing corruption despite the plethora of laws and institutions with anti-corruption mandates. Widespread prevalence of corruption in public offices has blighted Nigeria’s local and international image, with revelations of humongous pillaging of government revenues through procurement fraud [10].

Senegal signed the United Nations Convention against Corruption on December 9, 2003 and ratified it on November 16, 2005. [1] On February 5, Senegal signed the Convention on Mutual Administrative Assistance in Tax Matters, becoming the 11th African country to ratify this multilateral instrument, which offers every possible form of cooperation to combat tax evasion and fraud. [2] The Senegalese army contribute ins troops into many UN missions arround the world, notabbly in Africa, but the country is not a defence exporter.

In line with its international commitments and in compliance with the United Nations Convention against Corruption’s implementation review mechanism, Senegal has fulfilled several obligations arising from the UNCAC recommendations, which have been taken on by the ministerial departments and other structures concerned, and the necessary acts have been implemented, while other reforms are in the pipeline. These include: the adoption of the Press Code; the law on access to information, which is being finalised; and the implementation of an action plan to simplify administrative procedures through the dematerialisation of procedures, decentralisation and deconcentration. [2] Added to this is the implementation of the national anti-corruption strategy since 2021. As a reminder, the overall objective of this strategy is to “Combat corruption to contribute to Senegal’s sustainable and inclusive development.” OFNAC is one of the institutions implementing this policy. It is currently drawing up its 2024-2026 Strategic Plan, which targets the following three strategic objectives: to improve its results in its core activities; to improve Good Governance through sound management of public affairs; to design and implement proactive and dynamic prevention and communication strategies; and to strengthen cooperation with partners through effective implementation of the national strategy. Despite the National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2020 – 2024, in line with the UNCAC, the fight against corruption in Senegal is treading water, according to the Corruption Perception Index published by the NGO Transparency International. With a score of 43 out of 100, the country is within the global average and above the sub-Saharan average. [1]

South Africa is a significant defence exporter which has signed and ratified both the UNCAC [1] and the OECD Conventions [2].

While South Africa has a comprehensive legal framework in place aligned with the OECD Convention, evaluations have found shortcomings in South Africa enforcing its law prohibiting the bribery of foreign public officials [1]. A more recent evaluation has indicated improvements in this area, but shortcomings remain [2]. Regarding UNCAC, the latest country review report presented similar findings recognising South Africa’s comprehensive legal framework amid challenges with implementation [3]. In both cases, South Africa is largely compliant, and shortcomings are minor.

In 2015, South Sudan ratified the UN Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) [1]. Given its underdeveloped defence manufacturing industry, the young nation is not an exporter but an importer of arms. South Sudan is not a member of the OECD and has not signed the OECD Convention. However, it is a signatory to the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combatting Corruption, but has yet to ratify the convention [2].

Despite being a signatory to international and regional anti -corruption instruments, South Sudan has largely failed to comply with the conventions. This is reflected on the country’s ranking in various global corruption indices including the Corruption Perception Index by Transparency International which ranked the country 177 out of 180 [1]. The U.S State Department in 2023 also described the situation in as “South Sudan has laws, regulations, and penalties to combat corruption, but there is a near total lack of enforcement, and considerable gaps exist in legislation.” [2]

Uganda signed the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) Convention on 9 December 2003 and deposited its instrument of ratification with the Secretary-General on September 9, 2004 [1]. Uganda is also a signatory to the Stockholm International Peace Treaty. Uganda signed on June 3, 2013 and ratified it on September 25, 2014. Uganda’s ratification of the treaty demonstrates its commitment to responsible arms trade practices and regional stability [1][2][3]
Regarding Uganda’s role in the global arms trade, available data indicates limited activity as an arms exporter. Conversely, Uganda has been more active as an arms importer. In 2021, the country imported military weapons (excluding revolvers and pistols) valued at approximately $2.685 million, with China being the primary supplier [4]. It is important to acknowledge that even if Uganda is not a major arms exporter, it could still engage in small-scale exports or re-exports, which may not be adequately reflected in existing databases.

Uganda has continued to actively participate in the Mechanism for the review of the implementation of UNCAC. There is demonstrated commitment by the government of Uganda, and its report reads in part, “Uganda acknowledges the crucial role played by various actors in anti-corruption and asset recovery and return including media, private sector, civil society, academia and Development Partners. In 2019, Uganda adopted a Zero-Tolerance to Corruption Policy and its five-year Action Plan, which is the National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2019-2024 which we are vigorously implementing at the national level” [1]. Uganda has continued to actively participate in the Mechanism for the review of the implementation of UNCAC. Uganda underscores the importance of the Implementation Review Mechanism in assisting States Parties to implement the Convention and appreciates the work of the Working Groups under UNCAC, especially the Implementation Review Group.

A recent report from the Anti-Corruption Coalition Uganda established that Uganda has undertaken significant steps towards implementing the provisions of Chapter II (Preventive Measures) and V (Asset Recovery) of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC). Yet, while Uganda enacted comprehensive anti-corruption laws and established several anti-corruption bodies, the actual implementation of this legal and institutional framework remains weak [2]. Key challenges identified in the report include the limited capacity of anti-corruption bodies to carry out their mandate due to insufficient human and financial resources and political interference in their work.

The country is a signatory to UNCAC (Zimbabwe signed the UNCAC on 20 February 2004 and ratified it on 8 March 2007) and OECD ( joined on 11 April 2023) convention [1][2].

Zimbabwe has made some progress in specific areas, such as the approval of a Whistleblower Protection Bill in 2022 aimed at safeguarding individuals who report corruption [1]. The country is also a signatory to UNCAC and OECD conventions, yet compliance remains weak, particularly when it comes to enforcing corruption laws against senior ZANU-PF politicians [2].
In practice, many ZANU-PF ministers and party stalwarts either evade prosecution altogether or are re-nominated and appointed to government positions despite pending corruption allegations [2]. Others who are prosecuted are often acquitted after lengthy trials, raising concerns about the independence and integrity of the judicial process [2][3]. This combination of evasion and acquittals, particularly when linked to political reappointments, undermines public trust and fuels perceptions of impunity at the highest levels.