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Country: Burkina Faso

Two years have passed since Burkina Faso witnessed its second coup within a year, on September 30, 2022, plunging the troubled nation into deeper instability and uncertainty. 

Since these pivotal events, it is important to examine some of the governance factors that led to them and the profound impact they have had on the country’s security and its people. The coups in Burkina Faso are not isolated incidents but symptoms of long-standing issues in the nation’s defense and security sectors, made worse by persistent corruption and weak governance, write Michael Ofori-Mensah and Harvey Gavin.

The first coup in January 2022, led by Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, was partly fuelled by the Burkinabè government’s inability to contain the growing jihadist insurgency that has plagued the region as well as weak civilian oversight of the military. Despite international support and initiatives aimed at stabilising the country, the government’s efforts faltered, leaving the population increasingly vulnerable to extremist violence. This continued failure eroded public trust in the government’s leadership. After a series of anti-government protests, the country’s democratically elected president, Roch Kaboré, was ousted by members of the Burkina Faso Armed Forces on January 23.  

Just months later, on September 30, 2022, a second coup, led by Captain Ibrahim Traoré and comprised of other members of the armed forces frustrated with the lack of progress in improving the security situation, overthrew the leaders of the first. But instead of paving the way for stability, this second coup further destabilised the country, deepening the security crisis and undermining any prospects for effective governance. Figures from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data (ACLED) project show 1,985 civilians were killed in Burkina Faso during the two years leading up to the second coup (from September 30, 2020, to September 30, 2022). Despite the leaders of both coups claiming they would improve the security situation, 4,843 civilians were killed in the two years after September 30, 2022.  

At the heart of Burkina Faso’s instability lies a deep-seated problem of weak governance and pervasive corruption within the defence and security sectors. Our 2020 Government Defence Integrity Index (GDI) found that the country faces considerable corruption risk across its defence institutions, with little to no transparency or controls across finances and procurement. These issues significantly contributed to weakening the resilience of the military and its ability to effectively address the jihadist threat.  

Corruption within the country’s defence and security sector has diverted resources away from critical security needs, weakening the military’s operational capabilities while eroding the trust between the armed forces and the civilian government. This was highlighted in 2021 when in June jihadists killed more than 100 people in Solhan, a village in the north of the country. In November of the same year a further 49 police officers and four civilians were killed near Inata, in the same region. A memo from security forces in the area warned their superiors that they had run out of food and had been forced to commandeer livestock from citizens. The lack of safeguards against corruption in defence and security institutions has played a major role in the deteriorating security situation, creating fertile ground for insurgent groups to exploit and thrive. 

The ongoing jihadist insurgency has had devastating effects on Burkina Faso’s security landscape and its people. Attacks have become more frequent and brutal, targeting both military personnel and civilians, with more than 6,000 people killed – including around 1,000 civilians – between January and August this year. The pervasive insecurity has created a climate of fear and instability, with entire communities displaced. 

The inability of successive governments to effectively address the insurgency has only exacerbated the situation. Each failed attempt to quell the violence has diminished public confidence in the government and increased public frustration. This frustration has, in turn, provided fertile ground for military coups, which, rather than resolving the underlying issues, have led to further instability. 

New research from the Africa Center for Strategic Studies highlights vividly the scale of this instability. The Sahel region accounts for more than half of all annual reported fatalities (11,200) involving militant Islamist groups in Africa. Burkina Faso bears the majority of this violence (48 percent) and fatalities (62 percent) linked to militant Islamist groups in the Sahelian theater. 

Note: Compiled by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, each map shows violent events involving the listed groups for a year ending June 30. Group designations are intended for informational purposes only and should not be considered official. Due to the fluid nature of many groups, affiliations may change.  

Sources: Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED); Centro Para Democracia e Direitos Humanos; Hiraal Institute; HumAngle; International Crisis Group; Institute for Security Studies; MENASTREAM; the Washington Institute; and the United Nations. 

Beyond the political and security implications, the escalating jihadist insurgency has had a profound impact on human security in Burkina Faso. The civilian population bears the brunt of the violence, facing daily threats to their lives and livelihoods. Families have been torn apart, and communities have been shattered by the constant threat of violence and displacement. 

Had there been greater resilience and integrity within Burkina Faso’s defence and security institutions, the trajectory of the country’s security situation might have been different. Strong, accountable institutions are essential for maintaining internal stability and effectively countering security threats. They build public trust, ensure the proper allocation of resources and foster cooperation between military leadership and the population they are entrusted to protect.  

Two years since the September 2022 coup, it is imperative for regional bodies like the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the international community to renew their commitment to supporting Burkina Faso. While international forces are no longer in the country,  

The past two years have underscored the urgent need for comprehensive reforms in Burkina Faso’s defence  and security sectors. The recurring coups, driven by the government’s inability to manage the jihadist insurgency, have only deepened the nation’s challenges, leading to greater instability and suffering for its people. 

Burkina Faso stands at a crossroads, grappling with the fallout of a series of coups which have been fuelled by a lack of integrity, accountability and transparency in its defence and security sector. The withdrawal of international forces, including UN personnel, has left civilians vulnerable to escalating jihadist violence, as evidenced by recent reports documenting significant civilian casualties. Meanwhile, the Burkinabè armed forces have also suffered heavy losses. 

The formation of the Alliance of Sahel States, following Burkina Faso’s exit from ECOWAS, complicates the prospects for meaningful dialogue and reform. Amidst the global focus on conflicts in Ukraine, Gaza and Lebanon, the profound human tragedy unfolding in Burkina Faso and the wider Sahel region must not be overlooked. It is imperative for ECOWAS and the African Union to take decisive action, with the support of the international community, to strengthen defence governance as part of broader reforms. Cooperation, not competition, is key to addressing the corruption and insecurity issues the region faces. Civil society should have guaranteed freedom of expression, and space, to participate in the peacebuilding and conflict prevention process. The Burkinabè government needs to provide mechanisms for this participation, as well as broaden public debate on defence issues and policies. 

Overall, commitment to civilian democratic oversight of the armed forces is essential for building a resilient defence sector and ensuring the protection of the Burkinabè people.

July 30, 2024 – Transparency International Defence & Security (TI-DS) expresses deep concern that the potential ‘disintegration’ of state cooperation in West Africa could exacerbate conflict in the already unstable region. 

Following a summit of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) earlier this month, the bloc cautioned the formation of a breakway union, run by the military juntas in Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, would worsen insecurity and disrupt the work of a long-proposed regional force. 

Research by TI-DS  previously found that Mali, Niger, Ghana and Nigeria all face a very high risk of corruption in their defence and security sectors, while Burkina Faso is at a critical risk. Corruption in these sectors increases the risk of conflict and weakens the ability to manage and resolve unrest, compromising regional stability. 

 

Sara Bandali, Director of International Engagement at Transparency International UK, said:  

“We express deep concern over the recent warning from ECOWAS about the potential damage to the region’s security following the formation of a breakaway union by the military rulers of Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso. In a region already marred by conflict and insecurity – much of which has been caused or exacerbated by corruption in the defence and security sectors – this move threatens to make the region and its people less safe.  

“Cooperation, not competition, are key to addressing the corruption and insecurity issues the region faces. It’s clear that corruption in the defence and security sectors makes conflict more likely by fuelling the flames of grievance and unrest, while simultaneously making it harder to manage conflicts after they arise by weakening the effectiveness of military response. 

“We urge regional leaders to prioritise unity and collective action for a secure future free from corruption and the conflict that both stems from, and is fuelled by it. We stand ready to support governments and civil society in the region in this vital endeavor.” 

 

Notes to editors: 

Mali, Niger, Ghana and Nigeria and Burkina Faso feature in Transparency International Defence & Security’s 2020 Government Defence Integrity Index (GDI). 

The Index scores and ranks countries based on the strength of their safeguards against defence and security corruption.  

Mali, Niger, Ghana and Nigeria all appear in band ‘E’, indicating a ‘very high’ risk of corruption. Burkina Faso is in band ‘F’, indicating a ‘critical’ risk.

February 15, 2024 – As African leaders gather in Addis Ababa for the 2024 African Union (AU) Summit, the urgent agenda of addressing peace and security takes centre stage.

While ensuring the safety of citizens remains the primary obligation of governments, many African countries grapple with persistent conflicts and an alarming recurrence of coups. Internal conflicts, often fuelled by the illicit arms trade and the unlawful exploitation of natural resources, has threatened the stability of several countries on the continent.

Corruption has served as a catalyst for conflicts in Burkina Faso, Sudan, Mali, Nigeria and the Central African Republic, which has poured fuel on the flames of grievances against political leaders and incited violent upheavals.

By eroding public trust and undermining the effectiveness of defence and security institutions, corruption has eroded the rule of law and perpetuated instability. This has led to diminished access to essential services for many and fostered environments conducive to human rights abuses. There is a pressing need to recognise corruption as a security threat in itself and prioritise anti-corruption efforts within security sector reform and governance (SSR/G).

It is imperative that AU members unite in addressing corruption within defence and security sectors as a crucial step toward achieving conflict resolution, peace, stability, and security goals.

Transparency International Defence & Security calls on states to:

  • Recognise corruption in defence as a security threat: Governments must acknowledge the threat of corruption to national security and allocate resources accordingly.
  • Empower civilian oversight: Governments should encourage active citizen participation in oversight to enhance transparency and accountability.
  • Integrate anti-corruption in peace efforts and SSR: Embed anti-corruption measures into conflict resolution, peacebuilding and security sector reform agendas for more resilient societies.

Peace and stability in Africa and around the world cannot be safeguarded without making the efforts to address the insidious threat of corruption proportionate to the threat which it represents.

L’impact corrosif de l’abus de pouvoir sur les perspectives de paix et de justice en Afrique de l’Ouest a été illustré lors de notre dernier événement organisé à Peace Con ’23. Les intervenants de la région ont déploré une “célébration” de la corruption dans des pays où des millions de dollars destinés à la lutte contre le terrorisme ont disparu, tandis que des soldats ont perdu la vie en raison d’un manque d’équipement. Nos responsables du plaidoyer Ara Marcen Naval et Najla Dowson-Zeidan font le point sur les idées et les recommandations formulées par leurs collègues du Sahel.

Le Cadre : un moment charnière où le monde se trouve à mi-parcours des objectifs de développement durable (ODD) et entame des discussions sur le nouvel agenda pour la paix des Nations Unies. Il s’agit d’un moment crucial pour faire la lumière sur la corruption en tant que catalyseur menaçant de conflit, entravant la paix et le développement durable.

Dans ce contexte, Transparency International Défense et Sécurité a réuni au début du mois un panel composé d’intervenants basés au Burkina Faso, au Niger et au Nigeria, foyers de conflits en Afrique de l’Ouest, à l’occasion d’un événement organisé par l’Alliance pour la paix dans le cadre de la conférence sur la paix 2023. Notre session était intitulée “S’attaquer à la corruption pour la paix : Les approches anti-corruption pour lutter contre la fragilité et l’insécurité”. L’objectif ? Souligner le rôle indispensable de la lutte contre la corruption dans la réalisation de la vision de paix, de justice et d’institutions fortes de l’ODD 16 et écouter la voix de celles et ceux qui ont consacré des années à la redevabilité de leurs secteurs de sécurité, à amplifier leur efficacité et à leur donner les moyens de faire face aux conflits et à l’insécurité et de protéger la vie des civils.

Le panel a appelé à ce que la lutte contre la corruption devienne une priorité absolue, comme le prévoit l’objectif de développement durable n° 16. Il est temps qu’un mouvement mondial œuvre à la redevabilité des gouvernements, ouvrant la voie vers un avenir où la corruption est démantelée, où la justice prévaut et où le développement durable prospère pour tous.

Témoignages de première ligne

Nous avons entendu des récits provenant de trois pays : Nigeria, Niger et Burkina Faso.

Nigeria – la corruption est célébrée

Bertha Eloho Ogbimi, représentant le Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC) au Nigeria, a illustré la manière dont la corruption effrontée a entravé les progrès dans la résolution de l’insécurité et de l’insurrection dans le pays au cours des dernières années. Le conflit a ravagé la nation, alimenté par la corruption qui siphonne les fonds, affaiblit les forces de sécurité et empêche une résolution efficace.

La corruption au Nigeria a rendu la population vulnérable et les voies de la paix non résolues. Bertha a brossé un tableau saisissant de la situation, en décrivant les différents domaines de risque mis en évidence dans l’évaluation de l’indice d’intégrité de la défense gouvernementale (GDI) du Nigeria. Des exemples ont été présentés, tels que le détournement d’argent des budgets publics, comme dans le cas de la saga du Dasukigate, où jusqu’à 2 millions de dollars auraient été détournés d’un budget consacré à des acquisitions d’armes.

Ce scandale a laissé les forces de sécurité et de défense en manque de ressources pour faire face aux multiples menaces, tandis que les rôles clés étaient attribués sur la base du népotisme plutôt que de l’aptitude.

Plus alarmant encore, Bertha a décrit comment des membres du personnel militaire ont eu recours à des ventes d’armes destinées à lutter contre l’insurrection pour compléter leurs revenus. Bertha a fait référence à des enquêtes qui “ont prouvé sans l’ombre d’un doute que l’une des principales raisons pour lesquelles cette insécurité n’est pas encore traitée de manière holistique est le fait que certaines personnes profitent financièrement des retombées de l’insécurité”.

La responsable de programme de la CISLAC a ensuite parlé des agences de sécurité qui ont pris le contrôle de petites entreprises appartenant à des citoyens, les soumettant à un chantage pour payer une protection financière sous la menace d’être accusées d’être impliquées dans des activités terroristes.

Elle a souligné l’impunité qui règne dans le secteur. Même les affaires de corruption qui, dans un premier temps, parviennent devant les tribunaux et attirent l’attention des médias s’essoufflent après un certain temps et semblent ne pas donner lieu à des poursuites. Bertha a dépeint une sombre réalité en déclarant : “Au Nigeria, la corruption est célébrée… les gens sont promus pour récompenser leur corruption. Il ne devrait pas en être ainsi et cela ne peut pas être la norme”.

CISLAC a milité sans relâche pour la lutte contre la corruption dans le secteur de la défense, en s’engageant activement auprès des institutions de défense nigérianes.  Cependant, l’organisation a constaté des obstacles à un engagement plus large de la société civile sur ces questions, ce qui compromet la mission de démanteler l’impunité et d’assurer la redevabilité du secteur. Bertha a souligné le besoin urgent de renforcer la société civile, en encourageant sa participation informée. Il s’agit là d’un effort permanent poursuivi par la CISLAC en collaboration avec des partenaires dans l’ensemble du pays.

Niger – traduire des défis en recommandations

Shérif Issoufou Souley a représenté l’Association Nigérienne de Lutte Contre La Corruption (ANLC). Il a décrit l’inaccessibilité de la défense et de la sécurité du Niger aux yeux des communautés et de la société civile.

Opaques et donc non scrutés, il a décrit comment ces secteurs héritent de pratiques anciennes de secret et de répression établies à l’époque coloniale. Shérif a mis en lumière ” le manque de redevabilité, l’opacité et le manque de communication avec les civils de ce secteur “.

Ajouté au contrôle limité découlant du secret défense, cet environnement est devenu un terrain propice à la corruption et à la mauvaise gouvernance. Shérif a mis en évidence les domaines critiques où la corruption s’est infiltrée.

L’opacité due à l’utilisation abusive du secret défense est un obstacle même pour les organes de contrôle au sein des départements d’audit et législatifs, y compris la commission de la défense et de la sécurité du parlement. Un récent audit indépendant mandaté par le ministère nigérien de la défense a révélé que des dizaines de milliards de francs CFA (dizaines de millions de dollars américains) ont été attribués au budget des marchés publics du ministère de la défense, sans que l’on sache ce qu’il est advenu de cet argent, ce qui a des conséquences évidentes sur les ressources dont disposent les forces armées.

En réponse aux scandales de corruption alarmants dans le secteur, l’ANLC a mené un plaidoyer pour l’adoption de textes législatifs garantissant la transparence et la redevabilité à travers des mesures de lutte contre la corruption dans ce secteur. Cet avant-projet de loi est maintenant approprié par des parlementaires au Niger. ANLC a par ailleurs travaillé à la mobilisation de la société civile, en organisant des débats publics sur la sécurité et la corruption et en réunissant des comités de civils et d’acteurs de la sécurité. L’objectif était de “promouvoir la bonne gouvernance et de s’attaquer à la corruption… afin que l’armée et la société civile puissent travailler main dans la main pour résoudre ces problèmes”.

Le dialogue civilo-militaire établi par l’ANLC a débouché sur un forum national pour la paix et la sécurité, regroupant des acteurs de tous les secteurs et de toutes les régions du Niger. Les défis ont été traduits en recommandations qui ont été présentées au président de la République du Niger, Mohamed Bazoum. ANLC a expliqué que la méfiance entre les civils et les forces de sécurité dans les régions frontalières nuit à la sécurité. Les forces de sécurité doivent établir de meilleures relations avec les populations locales.

Burkina Faso – pris en otage par la corruption

Enfin, apportant une perspective claire du Burkina Faso, Sadou Sidibe, conseiller principal du DCAF en matière de réforme du secteur de la sécurité (RSS), a révélé l’impact périlleux de la corruption sur les efforts de RSS. “La corruption est le carburant de l’insécurité”, a-t-il dit, rappelant à tout le monde l’impact profond qu’elle a sur la sécurité humaine. “Aujourd’hui [au Burkina Faso], la corruption est devenue systématique… la sécurité et le développement sont pris en otage par ce problème.

Les jeunes officiers militaires qui ont mené le coup d’État de 2020 ont justifié leur prise de pouvoir en soulignant la corruption qui régnait dans le secteur de la défense, où une grande partie du budget alloué aux programmes d’acquisition avait été détournée par des fonctionnaires corrompus.

La justification de la junte pour le second coup d’État, en 2022, s’est également appuyée sur des allégations de corruption – cette fois-ci affirmant qu’une grande partie des dépenses destinées à la lutte contre le terrorisme avait été détournée par leurs prédécesseurs.

Par conséquent, la corruption est dorénavant au cœur du débat au Burkina Faso, et Sadou a décrit comment la corruption est devenue endémique à différents postes, que ce soit dans la chaîne de la commande publique, la gestion du budget et même dans certains cas avec les bailleurs de fonds.

Pour aborder ces questions, le DCAF en partenariat avec l’autorité supérieure de contrôle d’Etat et de lutte contre la corruption (ASCE-LC) a organisé des ateliers régionaux avec les principaux organes de contrôle du Mali, du Niger et du Burkina Faso, ainsi qu’avec la société civile, afin de discuter et de convenir des meilleures pratiques en matière de gestion des ressources dans la gouvernance du secteur de la défense.

Sadou a mis l’accent sur les domaines clés dans lesquels la réforme institutionnelle peut jouer un rôle dans l’élimination du potentiel de corruption : le renforcement de l’autonomie des fonctions d’audit et la réglementation du secret défense afin de permettre une veille et un contrôle externes.

Il y a eu des avancées positives ces dernières années, comme l’exemple de RENLAC, une coalition d’organisations de la société civile burkinabè de lutte anticorruption qui a réussi à engager un procès et à faire déférer un ministre de la Défense pour corruption en 2018. Mais M. Sadou a souligné l’importance pour le rôle important que doit jouer le système judiciaire en donnant suite aux affaires de corruption afin de montrer qu’il n’y a pas d’impunité. Alors que les budgets de défense dans la région ont explosé au cours des cinq dernières années, notre dernier intervenant a souligné l’importance de mécanismes de contrôle efficaces pour réduire la menace de la corruption dans le secteur.

En outre, pour garantir un développement pacifique et durable avec la sécurité humaine au cœur, il est primordial que la corruption reste au premier plan des conversations nationales, régionales et mondiales.

Comme l’a bien résumé Martijn Beerthuizen, président de notre panel et coordinateur politique au ministère des affaires étrangères des Pays-Bas, “la corruption remet en cause la confiance dans le secteur de la sécurité et s’attaquer à la corruption en tant que problème nous aidera à garantir des sociétés pacifiques”.

Le message retentissant du panel était clair : Nous devons aller de l’avant avec une détermination inébranlable, unis dans notre mission de démanteler l’emprise de la corruption, de faire respecter la justice et d’ouvrir la voie à des sociétés harmonieuses et sûres.

Relevant Links

The corrosive impact of abuse of power on prospects for peace and justice in West Africa was illustrated at our latest event staged at Peace Con ‘23. Campaigners from the region lamented a “celebration” of corruption in countries where millions of dollars earmarked for fighting terror have gone missing, while soldiers have lost their lives amid a lack of equipment. Our Advocacy leads Ara Marcen Naval and Najla Dowson-Zeidan round-up insights and recommendations shared by colleagues in the Sahel.

The Setting: a pivotal moment in time, where the world stands at the midpoint of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and embarks on discussions about the UN’s New Agenda for Peace. It is a critical moment to shed light on corruption as catalyst for conflict, hindering peace and sustainable development.

Against this background, Transparency International Defence and Security convened a panel of speakers from West African conflict hotspots Burkina Faso, Niger and Nigeria earlier this month for an event at the Alliance for Peace’s 2023 Peace Con . Our session was entitled “Tackling Corruption for Peace: Anti-Corruption Approaches to Address Fragility and Insecurity”. The aim? To underscore the indispensable role of combatting corruption in achieving SDG 16’s vision of peace, justice and strong institutions and to hear the voice of those who have dedicated years to holding their security sectors accountable, so that they can effectively confront conflict, insecurity and safeguard civilian lives.

The panel demanded that fighting corruption becomes a top priority, as enshrined in SDG 16. It’s time for a global movement to hold governments accountable, paving the way for a future where corruption is dismantled, justice prevails, and sustainable development thrives for all.

Testimonies from the frontline

We heard stories from three countries: Nigeria, Niger and Burkina Faso.

Nigeria – corruption is celebrated

Bertha Eloho Ogbimi, representing the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC) in Nigeria, illustrated how brazen corruption has obstructed progress in resolving the country’s insecurity and insurgency in recent years. Conflict has ravaged the nation, fuelled by corruption that siphons funds, weakens security forces and hinders effective resolution.

Corruption in Nigeria has left the population vulnerable and routes to peace unresolved. Bertha painted a vivid picture, outlining various risk areas exposed in Nigeria’s Government Defence Integrity index (GDI) assessment. Examples were shared of money being drained from public budgets, as in the case of the Dasukigate saga, where up to $2 million was reportedly embezzled from an arms procurement budget. This scandal left the security and defence forces under-resourced to face down multiple threats, while key roles were awarded based on nepotism rather than suitability.

Even more alarming, Bertha described how military personnel resorted to supplementing their income through weapon sales meant to combat insurgency. Bertha referred to investigations that ‘have proven beyond doubt that one of the major reasons why this insecurity is yet to be holistically addressed is because of the fact that some persons are benefitting financially from proceeds of insecurity’.

CISLAC’s senior programme officer talked about security agencies taking over small businesses belonging to citizens, blackmailing them into paying protection money to prevent accusations of      being engaged in terrorist activities.

She emphasised the impunity in the sector. Even cases of corruption that initially reach the courts and the attention of the media die down after a while and seem to not proceed. Bertha painted a grim reality, saying: “In Nigeria, corruption is celebrated … people are promoted to award corruption. This ought not to be so and cannot be the norm.”

CISLAC has relentlessly championed the fight against defence sector corruption, actively engaging with Nigerian defence institutions. However, they have seen barriers to wider civil society engagement in these issues, undermining the mission to dismantle impunity and ensure accountability of the sector. Bertha stressed the urgent need to empower civil society, fostering their informed participation. This is an ongoing endeavour pursued by CISLAC in collaboration with partners across the nation.

Niger – translating challenges into recommendations

Shérif Issoufou Souley represented the Association Nigérienne de Lutte Contre La Corruption (ANLC). He described the inaccessibility of Niger’s defence and security in the eyes of communities and civil society.

Hidden from view and therefore unscrutinised, he described a legacy of long-standing practices established during colonial times of secrecy and repression. Shérif shed light on “this sector’s unaccountability, opaqueness and lack of communication with civilians”.

Compounded by limited oversight stemming from defence secrecy, this environment has become a breeding ground for corruption and misgovernance. Shérif highlighted critical areas where corruption has seeped in.

Opacity driven by the abusive use of defence secrecy is an obstacle even to oversight bodies within audit and legislative departments, including parliament’s defence and security committee. A recent independent audit commissioned for Niger’s ministry of defence revealed that tens of billions of CFA Francs (tens of millions of US dollars) have been attributed in the MoD’s public procurement budget, but with no sign of what happened to the money, with clear implications for the resources available to the armed forces.

In response to alarming corruption scandals in the sector, ANLC has advocated for legislation for transparency and accountability in the sector, through anti-corruption measures. This draft law is now supported by a group of parliamentarians in Niger. ANLC has also been working on mobilising civil society, organising public debates on security and corruption and bringing together committees of civilians and security actors. The goal has been “to promote good governance and tackle corruption… so that military and civil society can work hand-in-hand to address these issues”.

The civil-military dialogue established by ANLC led to a national peace and security forum, grouping actors across sectors and geographies within Niger. Challenges were translated to recommendations which were presented to the President of the Republic of Niger, Mohamed Bazoum. Distrust between civilians and security forces in border regions undermines security, he was told. Security forces need to build better relations with local populations.

Burkina Faso – held hostage by corruption

Finally, bringing a vivid perspective from Burkina Faso, DCAF’s senior Security Sector Reform (SSR) advisor Sadou Sidibe revealed the perilous impact of corruption on SSR efforts. “Corruption is the fuel for insecurity”,  he said, reminding everyone of the profound impact it has on human security. “[In Burkina Faso] today … corruption has become systematic… security and development are taken hostage by this problem.”

The young military officers who led the 2020 coup justified their seize of power by pointing to the corruption prevalent in the defence sector, where a lot of budget allocated for procurement programmes had been diverted by corrupt officials. The junta’s justification for the second coup, in 2022, also hinged on claims of corruption – this time that a lot of anti-terrorism expenses had been diverted by their predecessors.

Consequently, corruption  is now centre-stage as an issue for debate in Burkina Faso, and Sadou described how corruption has become endemic in various positions, whether in the command chain, budget management and even in some cases with funders.

To address these issues, DCAF, in partnership with the the High Authority for State Audit and the Fight against Corruption (ASCE-LC),  has organised regional workshops with the key oversight bodies in Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso – together with civil society – to discuss and agree on best practice      in resource management in defence sector governance.

Sadou pointed to key areas where institutional reform can play a role in rooting out the potential for corruption: strengthening the autonomy of audit functions and regulating defence secrecy to enable      external oversight and scrutiny.  There have been positive developments in recent years, such as the example of RENLAC, a Burkinabe coalition which managed to engage a case to prosecute the Minister of Defence for corruption in 2018,. But  Sadou emphasised the important role of the justice system in following up corruption cases to show that there is no impunity. With defence budgets in the region soaring over the past five years, our closing speaker emphasised the importance of effective oversight mechanisms to reduce the threat of corruption in the sector.

Furthermore, to ensure peaceful, sustainable development with human security at its core, it is paramount that corruption remains at the forefront of national, regional, and global conversations.

As Martijn Beerthuizen, the Chair of our panel and Policy Coordinator at the Netherlands MFA, aptly summarised, “Corruption challenges trust in the security sector and tackling corruption as an issue will help us ensure peaceful societies.”

The resounding message from the panel was clear:  we must forge ahead with unwavering determination, united in our mission to dismantle corruption’s grip, uphold justice, and pave the way for harmonious and secure societies.

Relevant Links

Responding to claims that Russian mercenaries have been contracted in Burkina Faso, Josie Stewart, Director of Transparency International Defence and Security, said:

“Outsourcing national security to unregulated groups risks compounding conflict and corruption threats, rather than safeguarding civilian rights and resources. The people of Burkina Faso and the wider region are entitled to expect any roles being played by private actors to be transparent and accountable at all times.”

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By Matthew Steadman, Project Officer – Conflict & Insecurity

 

2019 was a deeply concerning year for the Sahel. Attacks by extremist groups have increased five-fold in Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso since 2016, with the UN now describing the violence as “unprecedented”. The past year was the deadliest by far with more than 4,000 deaths reported. Niger lost 89 soldiers in a single attack by Islamic State in Changodar in January, whilst two ISGS attacks in Mali in November claimed the lives of 92 soldiers. In Burkina Faso alone, 1,800 people were killed in the past year due to extremist violence. The intensification of extremist activity in the Sahel threatens to engulf West African coastal states, as already weakened national defence and security forces come under increasing pressure. Much international coverage of the developing events has focussed on the operational aspect of the crisis, from the various armed groups operating in the region to the international response, spearheaded by France’s Operation BARKHANE but also including MINUSMA, the G5 Sahel, the United States and the EU. However, one aspect that has been regularly overlooked is the poor capacity of the region’s national defence forces to respond to security threats as a result of poor defence governance, corruption and weak institutions.

Corruption and conflict go hand in hand, with corruption often fuelling violence and subsequently flourishing in afflicted regions. Because of corruption and poor governance, defence and security actors are often seen not as legitimate providers of security, but as net contributors to the dynamics of conflict; with poor training, management and institutional support leading to a downward cycle in which it is the civilians that more than often feel the brunt – as has been seen in Burkina Faso, Nigeria and Mali. When security institutions are perceived as corrupt, public confidence in government erodes further. Fragile governments that are unable to respond to the needs of citizens can exacerbate existing grievances, heightening social tensions and hastening the onset of violence. Across the Sahel, armed groups have been able to entrench themselves first and foremost in those areas which have been neglected by weakened and corrupt central authorities, often by positioning themselves as providers of security, justice and basic services. In this way, it is crucial to view corruption not just as the consequence of conflict, but more often as its root cause and therefore a critical element for any attempt at resolution to address.

Against this backdrop, research by Transparency International – Defence & Security’s Government Defence Integrity Index (GDI), highlights the deficiencies in the safeguards which should provide protection against corruption in the defence sectors of Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Mali, Niger and Nigeria, increasing the likelihood of defence funds and capabilities being wasted due to mismanagement of human, material and financial resources. In doing so, the GDI outlines a number of key issues which need to be addressed in order to enhance security forces’ ability to respond to threats and protect local communities:

Reinforce parliamentary oversight

Despite most countries having formal independent oversight mechanisms for defence activities, policies and procurement, our research has found that these are often only partially implemented, easily circumvented and insufficiently resourced to carry out their mandates. The result, is defence sectors which are still largely the preserve of the ruling elite and shrouded in secrecy, raising concerns over the use of vital defence funds and the management of resources and assets.

Strengthen anti-corruption measures in personnel management and military operations

Personnel management systems are also vulnerable, with inadequate or non-existent whistleblowing protections and reporting mechanisms, unclear appointment, and promotion systems open to nepotism, and codes of conduct which fail to specifically mention corruption or enforce appropriate sanctions. Equally, despite many countries in the region being actively engaged in on-going counter insurgencies, there is no evidence of Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso or Nigeria having up to date doctrine which recognises corruption as a strategic threat to operations, meaning there is little if any appropriate training on the pitfalls associated with operating in corrupt environments and little appreciation of how soldiers’ conduct might exacerbate the violence they are trying to quell.

Increase transparency and external oversight of procurement processes

Perhaps most concerning of all is that corruption risks in defence procurement remain extremely high across the region. The procurement process is opaque and largely exempt from the checks and balances which regulate other areas of public procurement in countries like Mali and Niger for instance. Across the region, the effectiveness of audit and control mechanisms over the acquisition of military goods and services is heavily restricted by blanket secrecy clauses and over-classification of defence expenditure. This raises serious concerns over the utility, relevance and value for money of purchased equipment and increases the risk of that frontline troops will not have the resources required to deliver security.

Despite these structural vulnerabilities, international assistance in the region has been heavily focussed on security assistance rather than on improving the underlying structures that govern and manage defence and security in the states that make up the region. The 13th January summit between French President Emmanuel Macron and the leaders of the G5 Sahel countries, was emblematic of this with the meeting focussed on reaffirming France’s military presence in the region and announcing the deployment of further troops, whilst side-lining the governance deficit which underlies so much of the crisis. Programmes have tended to focus on training and equipping military and police forces in Mali and Burkina Faso for instance, or improving strike capabilities by investing in US drone bases in Niger. The concern however, is that the impact of these efforts will be blunted without a more sustained engagement in addressing the more fundamental failings that lay at the hearty of the problem. Mali’s recent announcement of a recruitment drive for 10,000 new defence and security forces personnel for example, will only be effective if it is accompanied with improvements in the way these troops are trained, led, equipped and managed and if the political and financial processes which govern them are strengthened and corruption risks reduced.

A successful response, at the national, regional and international levels, to the violence cannot be just security focussed. Poor defence governance and corruption risks will continue to hamper national forces’ operations and will hinder the impact of international efforts which support them. A more comprehensive approach is needed which addresses the underlying corruption risks which permeate the region’s defence sectors.  Improving oversight, transparency and accountability is a critical step in securing a sustainable peace in the region and ensuring that defence and security apparatuses do what they should, which is to further the human security of populations that they should be serving.