Country: Niger
January 15, 2025 – Transparency International – Defence & Security (TI-DS) today launches a series of policy briefs examining the institutional resilience of the defence and security sectors in Nigeria, Tunisia, Niger and Mali.
Against a backdrop of democratic backsliding, political upheaval and mounting security threats, the briefs lay out clear, country-specific policy recommendations for tackling the corruption risks undermining effective defence governance and stability across West and North Africa.
Read the briefs: Nigeria | Tunisia | Niger | Mali
Michael Ofori-Mensah, Head of Research at Transparency International Defence & Security, said:
“Transparency and accountability are not only moral imperatives but also practical necessities for effective defence and security sectors. The evidence outlined in these policy briefs clearly shows the effects of weak defence governance – where corruption is allowed to fester, peace and stability suffer. Our recommendations offer governments, policymakers, and civil society organisations a clear roadmap to tackle the corrosive effects of corruption on national security.”
Each policy brief offers a blueprint for improved institutional resilience in the defence and security sector, grounded in data from our Government Defence Integrity Index (GDI), the world’s leading assessment of corruption risks in government defence institutions.
The analysis draws on:
- Country-specific context: Recent political events, military spending, arms imports, and public opinion on governance and democracy.
- Institutional resilience assessment: A breakdown of existing corruption safeguards and vulnerabilities in defence governance, informed by GDI data and comparisons with regional peers.
- Policy recommendations: Practical steps, developed in partnership with Nigeria/CISLAC, TI Tunisia/IWatch, and TI Niger/ANLC for improving transparency, accountability and ultimately providing peace and security for citizens.
Country summaries
Systemic corruption continues to plague the defence sector and cause a major hindrance to security in the face of significant threats. Defence budgets and procurement processes remain largely opaque. Decisive reforms to boost transparency – especially in military spending – and the reinforcing of both accountability and civilian oversight are key pillars for long-term institutional resilience.
Defence governance suffers from weak legislative functions and limited scrutiny over a highly centralised executive. With critical information restricted, parliamentary and civilian oversight remain fragile. Enhanced dialogue with civil society, clearer legal frameworks on access to information and a commitment to establishing best-practice exceptions for genuine national security concerns would go a long way to improving resilience against corruption.
A severe lack of transparency and oversight surrounds military activities, particularly defence expenditure, procurement and disposal of military-owned assets. Opening dialogue with civil society, strengthening accountability and embedding corruption risk mitigation into military operations are essential steps for rebuilding trust and stability amid the country’s evolving political landscape.
Systemic weaknesses provide opportunities for the diversion of military funds and influence-peddling, compromising both equipment on the front lines and broader political and economic stability. Defence procurement is shrouded in secrecy, blocking effective scrutiny of military purchases and how equipment is used. The release of key procurement information and auditing mechanisms are vital to creating sustainable institutional resilience against corruption.
This policy brief aims to highlight findings from the 2020 Government Defence Integrity Index (GDI) that are most pertinent for a path to enhanced institutional resilience to corruption in Nigerien defence governance.
It is based on a close reading of the GDI results for Niger, policy literature, recent news reports, as well as a context and problem analysis conducted by Association Nigérienne de Lutte Contre La Corruption (ANLC) – the Transparency International (TI) national chapter in Niger.
Further insights from Armenia, Guatemala, Malaysia, Niger, and Tunisia illustrate access to information challenges
December 10, 2024 – New research from Transparency International Defence & Security (TI-DS) underscores the need for better access to information in the defence sector to curb corruption, ensure accountability, and improve civic engagement.
Published today, Unlocking Access: Balancing National Security and Transparency in Defence shines a light on opaque defence sectors worldwide at a time of increased geopolitical tensions and global military spending reaching record highs of $2.4 trillion.
The report highlights challenges and good practices of transparency in defence budgets, procurement and policy processes using detailed case studies from Armenia, Guatemala, Malaysia, Niger, and Tunisia. The countries are at varying stages of progress in advancing access to information in their defence sectors and face a range of challenges, including conflict-driven secrecy, democratic backsliding, and stalled reforms.
Our analysis reveals that while international frameworks provide guidelines for transparency, implementation remains weak. Blanket national security exemptions are often used to justify withholding critical information, while public interest tests designed to balance the benefits of disclosing against the potential harm are mostly absent.
This lack of transparency increases the risk of corruption, mismanagement of funds, and fuels public distrust of the very institutions tasked with protecting citizens.
Michael Ofori-Mensah, Head of Research at Transparency International Defence & Security, said:
“The defence sector remains one of the most secretive corners of government, making it a breeding ground for corruption. Striking a balance between national security and the public’s right to know is crucial to ensure accountability, but far too often governments tip the scales towards secrecy. It’s time for transparency to be the rule, not the exception.”
Case study insights
Armenia has kept high levels of defence spending because of its decades-long conflict with Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh territory, which recently concluded with major losses for Armenia. Access to information was enshrined in a 2003 national freedom of information law but has been severely curtailed by the 2024 states secrets law, which prohibits the release of information related to most defence spending.
Guatemala has endured a growing corruption crisis for the past decade, as the presidency and the powerful Public Prosecutor’s office stifled anti-corruption efforts, forced anti-corruption officials into exile, and blocked potential reform candidates from elections. As the Secretariat for Access to Public Information is required to work with the Prosecutor’s Office on access to information enforcement, implementation of the law has faltered until now.
Malaysia saw a peaceful power transition in 2018, but governance reforms – including access to information – have stalled, with the Official Secrets Act 1972 (OSA) severely limiting access to information. The OSA functions as the de facto national framework for access to information and overrules any other legislation on information access. There is little knowledge about the defence budget or expenditures, and almost no publicly available information about acquisition planning.
Niger experienced a military coup in July 2023 that has led to increased violence, stark reductions in foreign assistance, and a severe curtailing of access to information and other democratic rights. Even prior to the coup, defence income and military spending were mainly non-transparent, as were defence purchases. But a new far-reaching law was passed in 2024 that excludes all defence matters from public procurement, public accounting, and taxes.
Tunisia has seen democratic backsliding since 2021 which reduced government transparency. Though a strong access to information law exists, defence-related information is often kept confidential. Still, Tunisia has a strong access to information law, with an effective independent oversight body that has helped to implement the law throughout the public sector.
The report offers specific recommendations for each of these five countries to improve access information which broadly fit into these categories:
- Balancing tests: Legal frameworks should require officials to assess the public interest versus potential harm before withholding information.
- Proactive disclosure: Governments should regularly and proactively publish defence budgets, procurement plans, and financial results to enhance accountability.
- Independent oversight: Review bodies should be established to monitor and adjudicate disputes over information access.
- Civil society engagement: Defence planning and policymaking should be open to civil society for broader input and oversight
Notes to editors:
The case studies in Unlocking Access were produced using an updated version of our Government Defence Integrity Index 2020 – the leading global assessment of the governance of and corruption risks in defence sectors. The data was supplemented by interviews with local experts, and the review of policy reports and media investigations.
French and Spanish versions of this press release are available.
Despite widely agreed international standards for access to information in the defence and security sector, transparency remains insufficient to ensure accountability. National security exemptions are frequently applied in vague and undefined ways, limiting the release of precise, timely and detailed information that is crucial for understanding how government is functioning and protecting public interest, especially in areas as fundamental as national security.
Read the launch press release:
Information exchange within government facilitates various types of accountability – from parliamentary scrutiny of executive decisions, to audits of the government’s use of public funds as well as disciplinary sanctions for public officials. More importantly, information disclosure to the public by government bodies also forms the foundation for meaningful citizen engagement and accountability. This is true not just for voting and activism, but for interest in the policies that determine the course of daily life, including whether the security forces are absent, overmilitarised, or well-balanced.
Legitimate national security interests are best safeguarded when the public is well-informed about government activities, including those undertaken to ensure safety and protection. Access to information enables public scrutiny of government action and facilitates public contribution to policymaking and national debate, thus serving as a crucial component of genuine national security, democratic participation, and sound policy formulation. Access to information is also a specific aspect of governance that involves the intentional disclosure of information. These policies require the release of information that is relevant to the public, and is also accessible, accurate and timely.
This report provides an overview of the state of defence transparency and access to information related to defence and security sectors worldwide, drawing on the Government Defence Integrity (GDI) database on institutional integrity and corruption risk. In light
of increasing global military spending (with a new world record of $2.443 trillion recorded in 2023) the overarching focus is on access to defence-related financial information, as transparency and appropriate oversight of defence finances remain critical for public
accountability, among others.
Further, this report also includes a review of global standards for transparency that apply to the defence sector, specifically the UN Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) and the Global Principles on National Security and the Right to Information (or Tshwane Principles). This is coupled with specific exploration of five country cases (Armenia, Guatemala, Malaysia, Niger, and Tunisia) and insights from their legal frameworks and implementation experiences. It concludes with recommendations for good practice to enhance access to information.
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Access to information is a cornerstone of healthy, accountable and transparent societies and essential for democracy.
By improving the public’s ability to obtain and use government-held information, citizens are empowered to participate fully in democratic processes, make informed decisions, and hold their leaders accountable.
Access to information is vital in all public sectors, but particularly so in defence and security where high levels of secrecy combined with substantial public budgets greatly increase the risk of corruption. Transparency and access to information in this sector provides a crucial bulwark against the misuse of funds, ensures accountability, and maintains public trust.
Ahead of Access to Information Day 2024, we’re excited to share details of our upcoming report which provides a comprehensive overview of the state of defence transparency and access to information worldwide.
Our report aims to strengthen accountability by enhancing access to defence information, in line with our broader goal to ensure informed and active citizens drive integrity in defence and security.
Utilising our Government Defence Integrity (GDI) 2020 database, which assesses institutional integrity and corruption risks, the report offers a detailed assessment of global defence transparency and access to information, with a focus on defence finances including budgeting information and spending practices. This is particularly urgent in an era of increasing military spending. The latest defence spending data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) shows world military expenditure rose for the ninth consecutive year to an all-time high of $2.443 trillion in 2023. This represents an increase of 6.8 per cent in real terms from 2022, which is the steepest year-on-year increase since 2009.
Additionally, the report also includes a review of global standards for transparency that apply to the defence sector. This is coupled with insightful case studies from Niger, Tunisia, Malaysia, Armenia and Guatemala and a review of good practices. The report concludes with recommendations to enhance access to information in particular contexts.
We look forward to sharing the full report and the accompanying case studies shortly. Updates on the launch date will be provided via our X/Twitter and LinkedIn accounts.
A year on from the coup d’etat in Niger, Denitsa Zhelyazkova looks back at what has changed so far and what needs to happen to address corruption in the country’s defence sector.
Last month marked an important date for political leaders and human rights advocates all around the globe: one full year after the coup d’etat in Niger. On July 26, 2023, senior army officers from the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland (Conseil National pour la Sauvegarde de la Patrie, or CNSP), led by General Abdourahamane Tchiani, seized power, suspended the constitution and detained country’s democratically elected leader, President Mohamed Bazoum. The junta claimed the reasons for the coup were the continuous deterioration of the security situation under Bazoum and poor economic management, among others. On August 20 that year, the coup leader proposed a three-year transition plan back to democratic rule, but concrete steps towards this have yet to materialise. Even though the 2023 mutiny was not a new phenomenon for the region, especially given the number of recent putsches in neighbouring Mali and Burkina Faso, this coup signifies a pivotal point in Nigerien politics.
Major changes since the coup
- Cutting ties with the West and regional actors: Niger is heading for a shift in strategic alliance and moving away from traditional Western security providers. Strengthening regional ties with Mali and Burkina Faso under a new mutual defence pact called the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) resulted in the new ‘Confederation of Sahel States’, emphasising both economic and military cooperation. They signed a treaty on the July 6 this year restating their sovereignty from France’s influence in the region, their departure from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), as well as their aim to create a new common currency. In addition to potentially having catastrophic economic and further humanitarian consequences, this step will likely complicate relations with neighbouring states and reshape international influence in the Sahel region.
- New anti-corruption body: General Tchiani has dissolved two of the country’s highest courts, the Court of Cassation and State Council, replacing them with a new anti-corruption Commission and a State Court. The commission’s main role will be recovering all illegally acquired and misappropriated public assets. Consisting of judges, army and police officers as well as representatives of civil society, the selection process of these members lacked transparency. Furthermore, it is not clear at this stage whether the anti-corruption regulations discussed under Bazoum will be implemented and whether the transitional commission and court can have an impact on that.
Damage
Turning away from democracy rarely leads to peace and stability.
In the immediate aftermath of the coup, violence and human rights abuses spiked, with Human Rights Watch reporting that CNSP supporters looted and set fire to the headquarters of Bazoum’s party, the Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism (PNDS).
France, the EU, and the US condemned the coup and suspended development aid. UN humanitarian operations were also stopped. The African Union (AU) responded by suspending Niger, while ECOWAS closed its borders, demanded Bazoum’s release, and threatened military intervention and sanctions. Tensions escalated further as Mali and Burkina Faso warned that ECOWAS intervention would be considered a ‘declaration of war’ against them.
The putsch and its direct economic consequences are now threatening to worsen human suffering in the landlocked country that has been grappling with poverty, political instability and endemic corruption for decades. Being one of the poorest countries in world, Niger recently ranked 189 out of 193 territories in the critical HDI value from the UN’s Human Development Index, signalling a dire humanitarian crisis. Even though ECOWAS sanctions were lifted in February this year for humanitarian purposes, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reported a surge in humanitarian need. An additional 600,000 people required humanitarian assistance in 2023, to an estimated total of some 4.3 million people, as extreme poverty is expected to reach 52%. Despite faring comparatively better against Burkina Faso and Mali in terms of fatalities, Niger is still suffering with violence and internal turmoil, with over 370,000 internally displaced people, primarily consisting of women and children.
ACLED graph using their own data on political violence, August 3, 2023.
The vicious cycle of conflict and corruption
Niger has been struggling with jihadist violence and security threats on several fronts, from IS Sahel and the al-Qaeda-affiliated JNIM in the west and south of the country, to bandits, organised crime networks in resource-rich Agadez as well as Tahoua, and even Boko Haram rebels around Diffa near the border with Nigeria. Despite these serious security challenges, historically weak governance of the defence sector has been eroding Niger’s capabilities to defend its own citizens. An embezzlement case in 2020 revealed how a notorious arms dealer exploited government contracts for nearly a decade to funnel hundreds of millions of dollars to purchase weapons from Russia. With more than $130 million lost to corruption in this case alone, it brought to light just how urgent reform of the security sector, with anti-corruption at the core, is.
Now that the country is ruled by a military government, increased levels of secrecy are expected to rise around defence planning and spending, as well as personnel recruitment and payments. The newly adopted Ordinance 2024-05 of February 23, 2024, is a huge step backwards in terms of good governance in the security sector, allowing for even more opaque practices in defence budget planning and management. The new decree dictates that public procurement and public accounting expenses related to the acquisition of equipment, materials, supplies, as well as the performance of works or services intended for the Defense and Security Forces (FDS) are exempt from regular oversight regulations. Moreover, defence expenses are exempt from taxes, duties and fees during the transition period. Unfortunately, opaque practices have become the norm when it comes to Niger’s defence governance.
The 2020 iteration of Transparency International – Defence & Security’s Government Defence Integrity Index (GDI) found that Niger faces a very high level of corruption risk, which is consistent with other fragile and conflict-affected states in the region. The results showcase the country’s issue with building robust institutions despite increased military spending and advanced operational training by Western allies in the past years. Scoring in the bottom quarter of the GDI 2020, Niger received the lowest score of all West African countries assessed in the index, with secrecy and opaque procurement practices being the biggest concerns. According to the 2013 Decree on defence and security procurement, Niger’s defence acquisition plan is not subject to public disclosure and is classified as “top secret,” nor is the plan subject to legislative scrutiny by the Security and Defence Committee. Despite the egregious 2020 embezzlement case, findings from a 2022 audit on state spending estimate budget discrepancies of approximately $99 million. Greater public oversight of defence spending, not expanded exemptions from transparency for the military and security services, is vital to restoring public trust and to ensure much-needed funds are not lost to corruption. Considering the new cooperation agreements with global actors notorious for the high levels of corruption risk in their defence sectors – such as Russia and Turkey – it is crucial for Niger to prioritise transparency and accountability in its defence governance.
One key rationale the military provided for the taking power last year was the worsening security in the country. However, violence has persisted and escalated, calling into question the effectiveness of military operations. Oversight of military spending has also been curtailed. Corruption in the defence sector not only hinders military capabilities, but also erodes public trust in the very institutions established to protect citizens. If opaque practices persist, allowing greedy officials to benefit while citizens continue to suffer, this can bring even more instability. Following the steps of Mail and Burkina Faso could potentially drag Niger into a vicious cycle of coups, violence, loss of territory to rebels, and of course the fuel driving the cycle – widespread corruption in the security sector. The path to democracy inevitably starts with focusing efforts on building resilient institutions and addressing corruption as a top priority through an urgent (and long-overdue) security sector reform.
July 30, 2024 – Transparency International Defence & Security (TI-DS) expresses deep concern that the potential ‘disintegration’ of state cooperation in West Africa could exacerbate conflict in the already unstable region.
Following a summit of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) earlier this month, the bloc cautioned the formation of a breakway union, run by the military juntas in Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, would worsen insecurity and disrupt the work of a long-proposed regional force.
Research by TI-DS previously found that Mali, Niger, Ghana and Nigeria all face a very high risk of corruption in their defence and security sectors, while Burkina Faso is at a critical risk. Corruption in these sectors increases the risk of conflict and weakens the ability to manage and resolve unrest, compromising regional stability.
Sara Bandali, Director of International Engagement at Transparency International UK, said:
“We express deep concern over the recent warning from ECOWAS about the potential damage to the region’s security following the formation of a breakaway union by the military rulers of Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso. In a region already marred by conflict and insecurity – much of which has been caused or exacerbated by corruption in the defence and security sectors – this move threatens to make the region and its people less safe.
“Cooperation, not competition, are key to addressing the corruption and insecurity issues the region faces. It’s clear that corruption in the defence and security sectors makes conflict more likely by fuelling the flames of grievance and unrest, while simultaneously making it harder to manage conflicts after they arise by weakening the effectiveness of military response.
“We urge regional leaders to prioritise unity and collective action for a secure future free from corruption and the conflict that both stems from, and is fuelled by it. We stand ready to support governments and civil society in the region in this vital endeavor.”
Notes to editors:
Mali, Niger, Ghana and Nigeria and Burkina Faso feature in Transparency International Defence & Security’s 2020 Government Defence Integrity Index (GDI).
The Index scores and ranks countries based on the strength of their safeguards against defence and security corruption.
Mali, Niger, Ghana and Nigeria all appear in band ‘E’, indicating a ‘very high’ risk of corruption. Burkina Faso is in band ‘F’, indicating a ‘critical’ risk.
L’impact corrosif de l’abus de pouvoir sur les perspectives de paix et de justice en Afrique de l’Ouest a été illustré lors de notre dernier événement organisé à Peace Con ’23. Les intervenants de la région ont déploré une “célébration” de la corruption dans des pays où des millions de dollars destinés à la lutte contre le terrorisme ont disparu, tandis que des soldats ont perdu la vie en raison d’un manque d’équipement. Nos responsables du plaidoyer Ara Marcen Naval et Najla Dowson-Zeidan font le point sur les idées et les recommandations formulées par leurs collègues du Sahel.
Le Cadre : un moment charnière où le monde se trouve à mi-parcours des objectifs de développement durable (ODD) et entame des discussions sur le nouvel agenda pour la paix des Nations Unies. Il s’agit d’un moment crucial pour faire la lumière sur la corruption en tant que catalyseur menaçant de conflit, entravant la paix et le développement durable.
Dans ce contexte, Transparency International Défense et Sécurité a réuni au début du mois un panel composé d’intervenants basés au Burkina Faso, au Niger et au Nigeria, foyers de conflits en Afrique de l’Ouest, à l’occasion d’un événement organisé par l’Alliance pour la paix dans le cadre de la conférence sur la paix 2023. Notre session était intitulée “S’attaquer à la corruption pour la paix : Les approches anti-corruption pour lutter contre la fragilité et l’insécurité”. L’objectif ? Souligner le rôle indispensable de la lutte contre la corruption dans la réalisation de la vision de paix, de justice et d’institutions fortes de l’ODD 16 et écouter la voix de celles et ceux qui ont consacré des années à la redevabilité de leurs secteurs de sécurité, à amplifier leur efficacité et à leur donner les moyens de faire face aux conflits et à l’insécurité et de protéger la vie des civils.
Le panel a appelé à ce que la lutte contre la corruption devienne une priorité absolue, comme le prévoit l’objectif de développement durable n° 16. Il est temps qu’un mouvement mondial œuvre à la redevabilité des gouvernements, ouvrant la voie vers un avenir où la corruption est démantelée, où la justice prévaut et où le développement durable prospère pour tous.
Témoignages de première ligne
Nous avons entendu des récits provenant de trois pays : Nigeria, Niger et Burkina Faso.
Nigeria – la corruption est célébrée
Bertha Eloho Ogbimi, représentant le Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC) au Nigeria, a illustré la manière dont la corruption effrontée a entravé les progrès dans la résolution de l’insécurité et de l’insurrection dans le pays au cours des dernières années. Le conflit a ravagé la nation, alimenté par la corruption qui siphonne les fonds, affaiblit les forces de sécurité et empêche une résolution efficace.
La corruption au Nigeria a rendu la population vulnérable et les voies de la paix non résolues. Bertha a brossé un tableau saisissant de la situation, en décrivant les différents domaines de risque mis en évidence dans l’évaluation de l’indice d’intégrité de la défense gouvernementale (GDI) du Nigeria. Des exemples ont été présentés, tels que le détournement d’argent des budgets publics, comme dans le cas de la saga du Dasukigate, où jusqu’à 2 millions de dollars auraient été détournés d’un budget consacré à des acquisitions d’armes.
Ce scandale a laissé les forces de sécurité et de défense en manque de ressources pour faire face aux multiples menaces, tandis que les rôles clés étaient attribués sur la base du népotisme plutôt que de l’aptitude.
Plus alarmant encore, Bertha a décrit comment des membres du personnel militaire ont eu recours à des ventes d’armes destinées à lutter contre l’insurrection pour compléter leurs revenus. Bertha a fait référence à des enquêtes qui “ont prouvé sans l’ombre d’un doute que l’une des principales raisons pour lesquelles cette insécurité n’est pas encore traitée de manière holistique est le fait que certaines personnes profitent financièrement des retombées de l’insécurité”.
La responsable de programme de la CISLAC a ensuite parlé des agences de sécurité qui ont pris le contrôle de petites entreprises appartenant à des citoyens, les soumettant à un chantage pour payer une protection financière sous la menace d’être accusées d’être impliquées dans des activités terroristes.
Elle a souligné l’impunité qui règne dans le secteur. Même les affaires de corruption qui, dans un premier temps, parviennent devant les tribunaux et attirent l’attention des médias s’essoufflent après un certain temps et semblent ne pas donner lieu à des poursuites. Bertha a dépeint une sombre réalité en déclarant : “Au Nigeria, la corruption est célébrée… les gens sont promus pour récompenser leur corruption. Il ne devrait pas en être ainsi et cela ne peut pas être la norme”.
CISLAC a milité sans relâche pour la lutte contre la corruption dans le secteur de la défense, en s’engageant activement auprès des institutions de défense nigérianes. Cependant, l’organisation a constaté des obstacles à un engagement plus large de la société civile sur ces questions, ce qui compromet la mission de démanteler l’impunité et d’assurer la redevabilité du secteur. Bertha a souligné le besoin urgent de renforcer la société civile, en encourageant sa participation informée. Il s’agit là d’un effort permanent poursuivi par la CISLAC en collaboration avec des partenaires dans l’ensemble du pays.
Niger – traduire des défis en recommandations
Shérif Issoufou Souley a représenté l’Association Nigérienne de Lutte Contre La Corruption (ANLC). Il a décrit l’inaccessibilité de la défense et de la sécurité du Niger aux yeux des communautés et de la société civile.
Opaques et donc non scrutés, il a décrit comment ces secteurs héritent de pratiques anciennes de secret et de répression établies à l’époque coloniale. Shérif a mis en lumière ” le manque de redevabilité, l’opacité et le manque de communication avec les civils de ce secteur “.
Ajouté au contrôle limité découlant du secret défense, cet environnement est devenu un terrain propice à la corruption et à la mauvaise gouvernance. Shérif a mis en évidence les domaines critiques où la corruption s’est infiltrée.
L’opacité due à l’utilisation abusive du secret défense est un obstacle même pour les organes de contrôle au sein des départements d’audit et législatifs, y compris la commission de la défense et de la sécurité du parlement. Un récent audit indépendant mandaté par le ministère nigérien de la défense a révélé que des dizaines de milliards de francs CFA (dizaines de millions de dollars américains) ont été attribués au budget des marchés publics du ministère de la défense, sans que l’on sache ce qu’il est advenu de cet argent, ce qui a des conséquences évidentes sur les ressources dont disposent les forces armées.
En réponse aux scandales de corruption alarmants dans le secteur, l’ANLC a mené un plaidoyer pour l’adoption de textes législatifs garantissant la transparence et la redevabilité à travers des mesures de lutte contre la corruption dans ce secteur. Cet avant-projet de loi est maintenant approprié par des parlementaires au Niger. ANLC a par ailleurs travaillé à la mobilisation de la société civile, en organisant des débats publics sur la sécurité et la corruption et en réunissant des comités de civils et d’acteurs de la sécurité. L’objectif était de “promouvoir la bonne gouvernance et de s’attaquer à la corruption… afin que l’armée et la société civile puissent travailler main dans la main pour résoudre ces problèmes”.
Le dialogue civilo-militaire établi par l’ANLC a débouché sur un forum national pour la paix et la sécurité, regroupant des acteurs de tous les secteurs et de toutes les régions du Niger. Les défis ont été traduits en recommandations qui ont été présentées au président de la République du Niger, Mohamed Bazoum. ANLC a expliqué que la méfiance entre les civils et les forces de sécurité dans les régions frontalières nuit à la sécurité. Les forces de sécurité doivent établir de meilleures relations avec les populations locales.
Burkina Faso – pris en otage par la corruption
Enfin, apportant une perspective claire du Burkina Faso, Sadou Sidibe, conseiller principal du DCAF en matière de réforme du secteur de la sécurité (RSS), a révélé l’impact périlleux de la corruption sur les efforts de RSS. “La corruption est le carburant de l’insécurité”, a-t-il dit, rappelant à tout le monde l’impact profond qu’elle a sur la sécurité humaine. “Aujourd’hui [au Burkina Faso], la corruption est devenue systématique… la sécurité et le développement sont pris en otage par ce problème.
Les jeunes officiers militaires qui ont mené le coup d’État de 2020 ont justifié leur prise de pouvoir en soulignant la corruption qui régnait dans le secteur de la défense, où une grande partie du budget alloué aux programmes d’acquisition avait été détournée par des fonctionnaires corrompus.
La justification de la junte pour le second coup d’État, en 2022, s’est également appuyée sur des allégations de corruption – cette fois-ci affirmant qu’une grande partie des dépenses destinées à la lutte contre le terrorisme avait été détournée par leurs prédécesseurs.
Par conséquent, la corruption est dorénavant au cœur du débat au Burkina Faso, et Sadou a décrit comment la corruption est devenue endémique à différents postes, que ce soit dans la chaîne de la commande publique, la gestion du budget et même dans certains cas avec les bailleurs de fonds.
Pour aborder ces questions, le DCAF en partenariat avec l’autorité supérieure de contrôle d’Etat et de lutte contre la corruption (ASCE-LC) a organisé des ateliers régionaux avec les principaux organes de contrôle du Mali, du Niger et du Burkina Faso, ainsi qu’avec la société civile, afin de discuter et de convenir des meilleures pratiques en matière de gestion des ressources dans la gouvernance du secteur de la défense.
Sadou a mis l’accent sur les domaines clés dans lesquels la réforme institutionnelle peut jouer un rôle dans l’élimination du potentiel de corruption : le renforcement de l’autonomie des fonctions d’audit et la réglementation du secret défense afin de permettre une veille et un contrôle externes.
Il y a eu des avancées positives ces dernières années, comme l’exemple de RENLAC, une coalition d’organisations de la société civile burkinabè de lutte anticorruption qui a réussi à engager un procès et à faire déférer un ministre de la Défense pour corruption en 2018. Mais M. Sadou a souligné l’importance pour le rôle important que doit jouer le système judiciaire en donnant suite aux affaires de corruption afin de montrer qu’il n’y a pas d’impunité. Alors que les budgets de défense dans la région ont explosé au cours des cinq dernières années, notre dernier intervenant a souligné l’importance de mécanismes de contrôle efficaces pour réduire la menace de la corruption dans le secteur.
En outre, pour garantir un développement pacifique et durable avec la sécurité humaine au cœur, il est primordial que la corruption reste au premier plan des conversations nationales, régionales et mondiales.
Comme l’a bien résumé Martijn Beerthuizen, président de notre panel et coordinateur politique au ministère des affaires étrangères des Pays-Bas, “la corruption remet en cause la confiance dans le secteur de la sécurité et s’attaquer à la corruption en tant que problème nous aidera à garantir des sociétés pacifiques”.
Le message retentissant du panel était clair : Nous devons aller de l’avant avec une détermination inébranlable, unis dans notre mission de démanteler l’emprise de la corruption, de faire respecter la justice et d’ouvrir la voie à des sociétés harmonieuses et sûres.
The corrosive impact of abuse of power on prospects for peace and justice in West Africa was illustrated at our latest event staged at Peace Con ‘23. Campaigners from the region lamented a “celebration” of corruption in countries where millions of dollars earmarked for fighting terror have gone missing, while soldiers have lost their lives amid a lack of equipment. Our Advocacy leads Ara Marcen Naval and Najla Dowson-Zeidan round-up insights and recommendations shared by colleagues in the Sahel.
The Setting: a pivotal moment in time, where the world stands at the midpoint of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and embarks on discussions about the UN’s New Agenda for Peace. It is a critical moment to shed light on corruption as catalyst for conflict, hindering peace and sustainable development.
Against this background, Transparency International Defence and Security convened a panel of speakers from West African conflict hotspots Burkina Faso, Niger and Nigeria earlier this month for an event at the Alliance for Peace’s 2023 Peace Con . Our session was entitled “Tackling Corruption for Peace: Anti-Corruption Approaches to Address Fragility and Insecurity”. The aim? To underscore the indispensable role of combatting corruption in achieving SDG 16’s vision of peace, justice and strong institutions and to hear the voice of those who have dedicated years to holding their security sectors accountable, so that they can effectively confront conflict, insecurity and safeguard civilian lives.
The panel demanded that fighting corruption becomes a top priority, as enshrined in SDG 16. It’s time for a global movement to hold governments accountable, paving the way for a future where corruption is dismantled, justice prevails, and sustainable development thrives for all.
Testimonies from the frontline
We heard stories from three countries: Nigeria, Niger and Burkina Faso.
Nigeria – corruption is celebrated
Bertha Eloho Ogbimi, representing the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC) in Nigeria, illustrated how brazen corruption has obstructed progress in resolving the country’s insecurity and insurgency in recent years. Conflict has ravaged the nation, fuelled by corruption that siphons funds, weakens security forces and hinders effective resolution.
Corruption in Nigeria has left the population vulnerable and routes to peace unresolved. Bertha painted a vivid picture, outlining various risk areas exposed in Nigeria’s Government Defence Integrity index (GDI) assessment. Examples were shared of money being drained from public budgets, as in the case of the Dasukigate saga, where up to $2 million was reportedly embezzled from an arms procurement budget. This scandal left the security and defence forces under-resourced to face down multiple threats, while key roles were awarded based on nepotism rather than suitability.
Even more alarming, Bertha described how military personnel resorted to supplementing their income through weapon sales meant to combat insurgency. Bertha referred to investigations that ‘have proven beyond doubt that one of the major reasons why this insecurity is yet to be holistically addressed is because of the fact that some persons are benefitting financially from proceeds of insecurity’.
CISLAC’s senior programme officer talked about security agencies taking over small businesses belonging to citizens, blackmailing them into paying protection money to prevent accusations of being engaged in terrorist activities.
She emphasised the impunity in the sector. Even cases of corruption that initially reach the courts and the attention of the media die down after a while and seem to not proceed. Bertha painted a grim reality, saying: “In Nigeria, corruption is celebrated … people are promoted to award corruption. This ought not to be so and cannot be the norm.”
CISLAC has relentlessly championed the fight against defence sector corruption, actively engaging with Nigerian defence institutions. However, they have seen barriers to wider civil society engagement in these issues, undermining the mission to dismantle impunity and ensure accountability of the sector. Bertha stressed the urgent need to empower civil society, fostering their informed participation. This is an ongoing endeavour pursued by CISLAC in collaboration with partners across the nation.
Niger – translating challenges into recommendations
Shérif Issoufou Souley represented the Association Nigérienne de Lutte Contre La Corruption (ANLC). He described the inaccessibility of Niger’s defence and security in the eyes of communities and civil society.
Hidden from view and therefore unscrutinised, he described a legacy of long-standing practices established during colonial times of secrecy and repression. Shérif shed light on “this sector’s unaccountability, opaqueness and lack of communication with civilians”.
Compounded by limited oversight stemming from defence secrecy, this environment has become a breeding ground for corruption and misgovernance. Shérif highlighted critical areas where corruption has seeped in.
Opacity driven by the abusive use of defence secrecy is an obstacle even to oversight bodies within audit and legislative departments, including parliament’s defence and security committee. A recent independent audit commissioned for Niger’s ministry of defence revealed that tens of billions of CFA Francs (tens of millions of US dollars) have been attributed in the MoD’s public procurement budget, but with no sign of what happened to the money, with clear implications for the resources available to the armed forces.
In response to alarming corruption scandals in the sector, ANLC has advocated for legislation for transparency and accountability in the sector, through anti-corruption measures. This draft law is now supported by a group of parliamentarians in Niger. ANLC has also been working on mobilising civil society, organising public debates on security and corruption and bringing together committees of civilians and security actors. The goal has been “to promote good governance and tackle corruption… so that military and civil society can work hand-in-hand to address these issues”.
The civil-military dialogue established by ANLC led to a national peace and security forum, grouping actors across sectors and geographies within Niger. Challenges were translated to recommendations which were presented to the President of the Republic of Niger, Mohamed Bazoum. Distrust between civilians and security forces in border regions undermines security, he was told. Security forces need to build better relations with local populations.
Burkina Faso – held hostage by corruption
Finally, bringing a vivid perspective from Burkina Faso, DCAF’s senior Security Sector Reform (SSR) advisor Sadou Sidibe revealed the perilous impact of corruption on SSR efforts. “Corruption is the fuel for insecurity”, he said, reminding everyone of the profound impact it has on human security. “[In Burkina Faso] today … corruption has become systematic… security and development are taken hostage by this problem.”
The young military officers who led the 2020 coup justified their seize of power by pointing to the corruption prevalent in the defence sector, where a lot of budget allocated for procurement programmes had been diverted by corrupt officials. The junta’s justification for the second coup, in 2022, also hinged on claims of corruption – this time that a lot of anti-terrorism expenses had been diverted by their predecessors.
Consequently, corruption is now centre-stage as an issue for debate in Burkina Faso, and Sadou described how corruption has become endemic in various positions, whether in the command chain, budget management and even in some cases with funders.
To address these issues, DCAF, in partnership with the the High Authority for State Audit and the Fight against Corruption (ASCE-LC), has organised regional workshops with the key oversight bodies in Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso – together with civil society – to discuss and agree on best practice in resource management in defence sector governance.
Sadou pointed to key areas where institutional reform can play a role in rooting out the potential for corruption: strengthening the autonomy of audit functions and regulating defence secrecy to enable external oversight and scrutiny. There have been positive developments in recent years, such as the example of RENLAC, a Burkinabe coalition which managed to engage a case to prosecute the Minister of Defence for corruption in 2018,. But Sadou emphasised the important role of the justice system in following up corruption cases to show that there is no impunity. With defence budgets in the region soaring over the past five years, our closing speaker emphasised the importance of effective oversight mechanisms to reduce the threat of corruption in the sector.
Furthermore, to ensure peaceful, sustainable development with human security at its core, it is paramount that corruption remains at the forefront of national, regional, and global conversations.
As Martijn Beerthuizen, the Chair of our panel and Policy Coordinator at the Netherlands MFA, aptly summarised, “Corruption challenges trust in the security sector and tackling corruption as an issue will help us ensure peaceful societies.”
The resounding message from the panel was clear: we must forge ahead with unwavering determination, united in our mission to dismantle corruption’s grip, uphold justice, and pave the way for harmonious and secure societies.
A forum tracking progress towards the 2030 sustainable development agenda has been taking place in Niger this week. With matters of security preoccupying policymakers and the public across the region, the moment has come for commitments made by United Nations members to be translated into action.
The aim of the ninth Africa Regional Forum on Sustainable Development is to take stock of how far countries have progressed towards the implementation of five of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), an ambitious set of development targets to be met by 2030.
However Goal 16, “Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions”, is not part of the review, although the security challenges facing countries including Niger, Nigeria and Mali should serve to remind delegates of the urgent need to address corruption-related risks to defence and security.
Goal 16 includes commitments to fight corruption, increase transparency, tackle illicit financial flows and improve access to information to achieve peaceful societies. Without meaningful action to reduce corruption, little progress will be achieved in the five SDGs selected for discussion: Goals 6 (clean water and sanitation); 7 (affordable and clean energy); 9 (industry, innovation, and infrastructure); 11 (sustainable cities and communities); and 17 (partnerships for the Goals).
Corruption, organised crime, the use of illicit financial flows to fund terrorism and violent extremism and forced displacement of people threaten to reverse much development progress made in recent decades. Mali is a case in point. Impunity to corruption, terrorism, drug trafficking and other forms of transnational organised crime undermine stability and development.
In Nigeria, where high-profile elections have been fought in recent days, memories of the deadly End SARS protests continue to linger.
Elsewhere conflicts and instability add to natural disasters, causing untold human suffering. Our ability to prevent and resolve conflicts and build resilient, peaceful and inclusive societies has often been hampered by endemic and widespread corruption.
We must take action and do so by embracing a “whole-of-society approach,” fostering dialogue, cooperation, and partnerships between state and non-state actors to promote transparency, accountability, and effective oversight, in line with Goal 16 of the SDGs.
Failing to take action on SDG 16 following the forum would be a missed opportunity, especially when coordinated efforts and commitments are needed from states in and out of Africa, to address the complex problem of corruption and its threat to human lives.
Jacob Tetteh Ahuno, Projects Officer, Ghana Integrity Initiative; Mohamed Bennour, Transparency International Defence and Security Project Manager; Ara Marcen-Naval, Transparency International Defence and Security Head of Advocacy; Bertha Ogbimi, Programme Officer, CISLAC; Abdoulaye Sall, President of CRI 2002
Image: Lagos, Nigeria, during the End SARS protests of October, 2020.
Michael Ofori-Mensah, Head of Research at Transparency International Defence and Security, describes some of the dangers documented in our latest research paper.
Unaccountable private military and security companies continue to pursue partnerships that in recent years have led indirectly to the assassination of presidents and journalists, land grabs in conflict zones, and even suspected war crimes.
From Haiti to Saudi Arabia to Nigeria, US-based organisations – the firms that dominate the market – have found themselves associated with a string of tragedies, all while their sector has grown ever-more lucrative.
Transparency International Defence and Security’s latest research – ‘Hidden Costs: US private military and security companies and the risks of corruption and conflict – catalogues the harm playing out internationally as countries increasingly seek to outsource national security concerns to soldiers of fortune.
Hidden costs from the trade in national security
While the US and other governments have left the national security industry to grow and operate without proper regulation, the risks of conflict being exploited for monetary gain are growing all the time.
Hidden Costs documents how the former CEO of one major US private military and security company was convicted – following a guilty plea – of bribing Nigerian officials for a US$6bn land grab in the long-plundered Niger Delta.
Our research also highlights that the Saudi operatives responsible for Jamal Khashoggi’s savage murder received combat training from the US security company Tier One Group.
Arguably most damning are the accounts from Haiti, where the country’s president was killed last year by a squad of mercenaries thought to have been trained in the US and Colombia.
Pressing priority
Many governments around the world argue that critical security capability gaps are being filled quickly and with relatively minimal costs through the growing practise of outsourcing.
Spurred on by the US government’s normalisation of the trade, US firms are growing both their services and the number of fragile countries in which they operate.
The private military and security sector has swelled to be worth US$224 billion. That figure is expected to double by 2030.
The value of US services exported is predicted to grow to more than $80 billion in the near future, but the industry and the challenge faced is global.
The risks of corruption and conflict in the pursuit of profits are plain.
These risks are as old as time. But their modern manifestations in warzones must not be left to spill over. The 20-year war in Afghanistan cultivated dynamics that threaten further damage, more than a decade after governments first expressed their concerns.
Required response
International rules and robust regulation are urgently needed. We need measures that ensure mandatory reporting of private military and security company activities. The Montreux Document lacks teeth, operating as it does as guidance that is not legally binding. Code of conduct standards must also become mandatory for accreditation, rather than purely voluntary.
Most private military and security firms are registered in the US. So Transparency International Defence and Security is also calling on Congress to take a leading role in pushing through meaningful reforms under its jurisdiction. There is an opportunity arriving in September, when draft legislation faces review.
Policymakers have long been aware of the corruption risks and the related threats to peace and prosperity posed by this sector. The time for action is well overdue. No more Hidden Costs.